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══════════════════【立報】═══════════════════ |
| 教 育 專 題 深 入 報 導《2004-10-15》 |
| 本期內容 | |
| ◎ 伊拉克人命市場 | |
| ◎ 台灣立報徵文啟事 | |
| 伊拉克人命市場 | |
| 策劃、編譯■成怡夏 | |
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被斬首英國人質的最後訴求 導讀：週日一個在網路上流傳的錄影帶顯示了在伊拉克被綁架的英國人質肯尼士．比格利對英國政府所做的最後懇求，他祈求英國政府能夠在他被斬首前答應綁架他的人所開的交換條件，即釋放關在Abu Ghraib監獄裡的女囚犯。 在驚惶失措的神情中，他說道這時已接近他生命的盡頭，然而布萊爾首相和您所主政的政府未出現做出任何幫助我的事情。他說，自己是個單純的人，只想和自己的家人過著簡單的生活。 他是在九月16日和兩名美國人一起被綁架的，兩名美國人在綁架後很快就遭到由前蓋達組織幕後主導的恐怖組織Tawhid和Jihad的處決。然而，華盛頓官方卻表示，美國的監獄內只有兩名伊拉克女性，她們都是海珊政權時代最頂尖的軍事武器科學家。 這捲長達四分鐘的錄影大刊登在多為伊斯蘭人所使用的網站上，錄影帶的開頭的標題下著「儘管已經給予夠長的時間了，這名英國人卻未受到布萊爾和英國人民的任何幫助。」「這些心中無信仰的西方政府首領假裝關心他們的人民，但是他們卻是騙子和偽善者罷了。」錄影帶中一名軍人這麼說。 A video tape posted on the Internet Sunday showed British hostage Kenneth Bigley making a final appeal to the British government to meet his captors' demands before he was beheaded by a militant group in Iraq. "Here I am again Mr (Tony) Blair and your government, very, very close to the end of my life. You don't appear to have done anything to help me. I'm not a difficult person. I am a simple man who just wants to live a simple life with his family," the 62-year-old engineer said before masked men beheaded him. "These people, their patience is wearing very, very thin and they are very serious people. Please, please give them what they require, the freedom of the women in Abu Ghraib prison. If you do this the problem is solved," said Bigley, who was sitting on the floor with militants standing behind him. Insurgent sources in Iraq had said the Briton escaped briefly from his captors shortly before they killed him in a town southwest of Baghdad Thursday. He was kidnapped on Sept. 16 along with two Americans who were beheaded soon after the abductions by the Tawhid and Jihad group led by al Qaeda ally Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, which demanded the release of women prisoners from U.S. jails in Iraq. Washington says it holds only two women in Iraq, both top weapons scientists from the days of Saddam Hussein. The British say they are not holding any women. "To the British people, more than ever I need your help, more than ever I need your voices, to go out into the streets and demand a better life for the females and women who are in prison in Abu Ghraib," said Bigley who was wearing an orange jump suit like those worn by detainees in U.S. prisons. "I can't say a great deal more. I've said so many things to you at so many different times. All I can tell you now is that I have very short time left," he said. The four-minute tape, posted on Web sites often used by Islamists, showed militants holding up the Briton's severed head and then placing it on top of the corpse. The title shown at the beginning of the video issued by the group read: "The slaughter of the British hostage who was not helped by Blair or his people despite being given enough time." "The heads of the infidel Western governments pretend to care about their citizens, but they are liars and hypocrites," said a statement read out by one of the militants on the tape. "We extended the deadline to kill the British hostage to see if our sisters in Abu Ghraib prison would be freed but the tyrannical British government lied and claimed there was no way to contact Tawhid and Jihad Group when in fact there was a clear source of contact," the man said, vowing the group would continue to behead "infidels" until women prisoners are freed. Blair's government, which for three weeks refused to bargain with Bigley's kidnappers, revealed Friday that it had opened secret contact with them in the days before his death. 綁票勒贖風野火燎原 約旦首都安曼一處的電話在晚上7點5分響起，默罕莫德．伊薩幾乎在抓起話筒時撞翻桌子，此時是綁架他在伊拉克的兄弟的綁匪要求50萬美金贖款的最後期限過後五分鐘，惠閃．伊薩包括兄弟、姪子等約30名親屬完全無計可施，只能艱困地籌措這大筆贖金，他們把銀行存款提光，並預借退休金，賣掉自己的車子。惠閃在美國在巴格達的一家運輸公司「星光」擔任會計師，並與美國軍方簽訂有合約。 至今，已至少有17個不同的團體宣稱自己綁架伊拉克的外國人。有近150名外國人被劫持，約40人被殺害，至少20人仍在他們手中。一位前聯合國的人質協商專家表示：「伊拉克已經成為護教者炫耀他們專業的奧林匹克舞台了。」 大部分的國家都公開支持美國?猁?猁不付贖金。仍然，還是有少數成員國卻不阻止私人的談判。土耳其的卡車司機公會向人質劫持者認輸，並把他們的司機帶出伊拉克境內。「我們人民的生命較為重要。」一位努力營救人質的土耳其官員這麼說。在伊薩的綁匪勒索50萬美元後，他的家庭詢問約旦駐伊拉克大使他們可以做些什麼。「他只說試圖去協商到一個你們付得起的價格。」穆罕默德．伊薩這麼說。約旦在安曼的官員表示，政府的策略是不與恐怖份子談判，但是不會阻止受挾持者的家人出面交易。 第二天，太陽在度升起時電話鈴再度響起，電話螢幕上來電顯示現出惠閃的電話號碼。綁匪用他的行動電話與他的家人聯絡。惠閃在電話那一頭說：「穆罕默德，你好嗎？家人都好嗎？你要堅強照顧我的孩子。」 「不，你會回來你孩子的身邊的。」 「試著籌措贖金吧！有人要和你說話。」一名綁匪出現了。 「我賣掉我的任何財產，也只有15,500美元啊！」穆罕默德說。 「那不夠，強迫阿努尼付錢啊！」 「財務情況不好，我們做不到。」 「長話短說，你只有兩天。美金50萬元，或是把阿努尼交給我們。」綁匪掛斷電話。穆罕默德的淚水流下面頰。 ﹙資料來源╱新聞週刊﹚ 把死亡帶入白宮的遊行 導讀：十月2日數百人參加從阿靈頓國家公墓到白宮南邊的橢圓廣場遊行，他們從公墓帶著幾百個硬紙卡所做的棺木中的許多個，跨越紀念橋，經過林肯紀念館，直到憲法大道上。這些棺木代表著美國軍隊的死亡，僅僅在伊拉克戰爭中就有超過1000人死亡，這還沒包括阿富汗死亡的軍隊、商人、訂契約者、和那些與戰事無直接關聯卻在戰區內死亡的美國人。 這個遊行是由數個團體共同推動的。包括了「現即和平」（Peace Now）、天主教勞工團體等。參與者包括不只是反布希政府外交政策或是反戰者，軍人家庭成員、資深老兵也是主要參與者。他們要求立即從伊拉克撤退，他們把美國在伊拉克的出現與以色列人佔領巴勒斯坦相提並論，並指出戰後的伊拉克更加不安定，境內的外國軍隊也面臨更大的困境。他們更指出所謂的解放，根本就「只是戰爭」。 On October 2 several hundred (perhaps a couple thousand in attendence by the end) people marched from Arlington National Cemetery to The Ellipse, south of the White House. They carried many of the hundreds of cardboard coffins (the rest laid out on The Ellipse by volunteers ahead of the march) from the cemetery, across the Memorial Bridge, past the Lincoln memorial and down Constitution Avenue. The coffins represent the American military deaths, in excess of 1,000 (cryptome.org/mil-dead-iqw, includes 56 afghan casualties, but Iraq sum still well exceed 1k and climbs ) in the Iraq war alone; without including Afghanistan, mercenaries, contractors, and those unaffiliated with the occupation but killed in war-zones with American involvement. The minority of flag-draped coffins represents the proportion of American military dead to all the other losses -- Iraqi, non-military, other military, etc, in Iraq. The event was coordinated by several groups including the Iraq Pledge of Resistance, Peace Now, Catholic Worker groups, Military Families Speak Out, Veterans for Peace and Iraq Veterans for Peace. The speakers included Gordon Clark (the originator of the Iraq Pledge), Phyllis Bennis (of the Institute for Policy Studies), and Arun Ghandi, the grandson of Mahatma Ghandi. Participants included more than just contrarians to the Bush administration's foreign policy facilitated by a complicit congress or "mere" objectors to the concept of war. Military families and veterans were key participants. Among those bearing the symbolic coffins were veterans of the war still being waged. They called for a quick withdrawal from Iraq, an end to what 90% of Iraqis, said Bennis, considered an occupation. They compared the U.S. presence in Iraq to the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories and noted that since the war Iraqis have had less security and hae both been threatened more on a daily basis by the chaos as well as more reasons to rise up against the foreign forces in their country. In addition to objecting to how the U.S. military was being used, and the danger many of their loved one were in, their messages criticized the methods by which the U.S. is "bringing democracy" to Iraq, as well as the falsehoods that were presented to justify the war (Weapons of Mass Destruction, "Imminent Threat", all things discounted by both intelligence reports and publicly available fact before the invasion, and cited after the invasion by many an "enlightened" politician), and the apparent hypocrisy regarding publicly stated principles of "liberation" that might be the foundation for a "just war" anywhere. 進入「網戰」時代 鮑爾日前承認在巴格達淪陷的那週所發生的一些眾所皆知的事實。「我們從未有足夠的軍隊。」他在一場會議中表示，並補充說他當時應該堅持應派遣更多部隊才是。這解釋了?什麼美國部隊無法阻止在各地蔓延的搶劫事件，並無法保護彈藥的傾銷和其他重要的據點。 鮑爾另一個沒有提到的巨大錯誤來自於對伊拉克的佔領。美國的失敗在於沒有認識到在伊拉克強烈的國家主義情緒很快地轉化反美情緒。結果，他不但沒有預料到游擊隊的出現，且還誤判這些叛軍的力量與訴求。他們確信伊拉克人民會把美國人當成解放者，且行政體系堅稱沒有所謂的暴動，外國的戰士是主要的犯罪者，而游擊隊都是所謂的「恐怖份子」。這種對於事實的誤導-以符合意識形態的模型?猁?猁一直反覆而固執地陳訴著。 有人把現在的伊拉克形容成「網戰」(Netwar)，即「一大堆彼此有聯絡、協調、和採取行動的小型團體組成，彼此的關係就如在網際網路上一樣，沒有精準的中心指揮系統。」伊拉克的暴動者包含了不同的團體，有敘利亞社會黨、伊斯蘭主義者、國家主義者等等，他們之間運作鬆散，但被共同的反美情緒連結。 在這樣的戰爭中，軍事的勝利固然重要，但只佔了很小的一部份。主要策略應是政治性的。去贏得當地民眾的支持，拔去會惹惱暴動者的意識形態，贏得軍隊歸於政府旗下，並緩慢地卸去反叛運動的力量。 （資料來源╱新聞週刊） |
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