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| 教 育 專 題 深 入 報 導《2005-08-12》 |
| 本期內容 | |
| ◎ 鞏固獨大 中共面對網路反動挑戰 | |
| ◎ 網路言論自由 撲向中國 | |
| ◎ 數位萬里長城 | |
| ◎ 台灣立報徵文啟事 | |
| 鞏固獨大 中共面對網路反動挑戰 | |
| 策劃、編譯■成怡夏 | |
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Chinese leaders fac-ing dissent 中國已經躍上世界舞台，但是崛起的中國國族主義卻導致與日本間的摩擦衝突，最明顯的對立表現在中國對日本首相小泉純一郎參訪靖國神社，以及對日本在中國東海海域石油探測的抗議。 適逢第二次世界大戰結束60週年，日本的媒體推出專題報導，希望日本人對中國前進的方向有更深刻的認識。世人也可以透過這一系列報導，了解日本眼中的中國，以及中國的未來走向。 （資料來源／讀賣新聞） 摘要 7月中，中國共產黨員並沒有心情紀念第二次世界大戰與日本停戰的60週年，他們甚至對於日本首相小泉拜訪靖國神社的憤怒也毫不掩藏。儘管小泉表示到靖國神社祭拜並非向A級戰犯表達敬意，但是中國人卻認為，無論如何，戰犯被供在那裡是不爭的事實。 也因此，靖國神社事件對兩個國家來說，就如一枚定時炸彈般隨時引爆事端。小泉預計8月15日祭拜靖國神社，也被上海的政治觀察家稱為「朝聖之旅」，並認為此舉將會讓中日雙邊關係盪到谷底。 然而，為何中國對於日本首相祭拜靖國神社之事如此小題大作呢？一名嫻熟政黨事務的消息人士表示，4月中反日本的示威遊行事件把共產黨政府被逼到角落，就是最主要的問題。當時暴力遊行正如火如荼展開，共產黨很快地開始思索下一步：該如何掌控這些抗議份子。於是胡錦濤在4月15日第一次對於示威遊行發表談話指出，中日關係的複雜，無法透過示威遊行解決，特別是這場遊行是心存不滿人士所挑起。 胡錦濤隨即把示威份子的舉動定調為對共產黨的反抗，次日下令在北京禁止一切示威活動，並逮捕抗議主腦份子。之後再度重申中日關係的重要性。 然而網路上此時卻出現號召人們於4月16日上午9時聚集天安門抗議的事件。此事震驚了共產黨高層，認定其意圖必然是對於共產黨懷有敵意。加上在網路上反共產黨份子可以自由地串連，其速度與反動潛力不可小覷。 儘管中日關係惡化會影響中國經濟成長，但是對共產黨來說，維持一黨獨大的局面的重要性恐怕凌駕在其他事情上，也因此對這個害怕群眾的政黨來說，中日關係反倒退居第二重要的事情，成為一種對抗群眾的籌碼。 北京郊區靠近蘆溝橋的中國人民抗日戰爭博物館，對於1937年日本侵略中國的事件留下紀錄。然而，今年7月7日紀念60週年時，博物館所設計的展覽卻不同以往。 日本731化學兵團以中國農民做人體實驗的畫像，被撤走了。而A級戰犯的照片，以及胡錦濤和小泉今年4月握手的照片，則被放在其他展品的最後面。這張照片原本不在展出之列，但經胡錦濤授意下才列入展覽，其雙重意義甚為明顯──督促小泉別去祭拜靖國神社，以及禁止中國人民發動示威抗議。 原文 When Yomiuri Shimbun reporters visited Beijing in mid-July, Chinese Communist Party members were not in the mood to commemorate the 60th anniver-sary of the end of the war with Japan. Lin Li, senior researcher of the party's International Department Central Committee, did not hide her irrita-tion over Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's visits to Yasukuni Shrine. "Prime Minister Koizumi said his visits to the shrine are not meant to pay respects to Class-A war criminals, but such criminals are enshrined there," she said. A party official in Shanghai in charge of Japan policy said that the Yasukuni issue was a time bomb between the two countries."A Koizumi pilgrimage to the shrine on Aug. 15 would plunge the bilateral relationship to its lowest ebb," he said.China is nervous about what will happen on Aug. 15. Why does China make such a fuss about prime minis-terial visits to the shrine? At the end of July, a man in the southern Guangdong Province well versed in party affairs said in a whisper: "The anti-Japan demonstrations in April were the main problem. At that time, the government was driven into a corner." On April 15, General Secretary Hu Jintao spoke at a meeting held by the party's political bureau in Zhong-nanhai, Beijing, a party stronghold, mapping out mea-sures to deal with violent anti-Japanese demonstrations that were taking place every weekend. Immediately after the demonstrations, speculation was rife about how the party had handled the protest. "The China-Japan relationship is so complicated that it can't be resolved by demonstrations, which are held by discontented people. They take advantage of such op-portunities to stage demonstrations," Hu was quoted as saying, the first time the contents of his speech have been revealed.Hu determined that anti-Japanese demonstra-tions were actions against the party and ordered a ban on demonstrations in Beijing the next day and the arrest of protest organizers.He concluded the speech by saying that China and Japan need to maintain good relations in future generations. Calls via the Internet at that time for a protest begin-ning 9 a.m. on April 16 in Tiananmen Square shocked the party, leading it to conclude the demonstrations were hostile to the party. Since the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown on pro-democracy protesters, unauthorized gatherings in the square have been regarded as an act of defiance to the party. The man well versed in party affairs said anti-Com-munist Party activists could communicate freely via the Internet, increasing their number and encouraging ac-tion. "They are different from a conventional opposition. The party is afraid of the public," he said. The China-Japan relationship, which can affect Chi-na's economic growth, is important, but for the party, re-taining the one-party dictatorship is prized above all, he said. "Thus, the China-Japan relationship has become sec-ondary to the party. They will be regarded as traitors if they apologize to Japan. People will be angry at them. If Koizumi visits the shrine again, the party won't be able to keep people under control," he said. The Chinese People's Anti-Japanese War Museum near the Marco Polo Bridge in the suburbs of Beijing marks the scene where a 1937 incident triggered the full-scale war between the two countries. The museum was renovated to mark the 60th anniver-sary of end of the war with Japan. However, displays in the museum, which reopened on July 7 to mark the anniversary of the incident, are differ-ent from those exhibited in the past. Dioramas portraying human experiments by the Japanese 731 chemical squad were removed. Pho-tographs of and information about Class-A war crimi-nals are displayed with a photo of Hu and Koizumi shak-ing hands after a meeting in April in Jakarta placed at the end of other displays.According to museum sources, some museum staff opposed displaying the photo, but the display was approved in line with Hu's intention. The photo carries a connotation of urging the prime minister to refrain from visiting the shrine and prohibit-ing Chinese from staging demonstrations. |
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| （回目錄） | |
| 網路言論自由 撲向中國 | |
| 策劃、編譯■成怡夏 | |
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Internet freedom vexes China 北京中區高樓林立，其中一棟建築物7樓，有一家投資顧問公司座落其間。這間公司也是「中國民間保衛釣魚台聯合會」的總部，該聯盟為知名的反日機構。這個聯盟是由現年49歲的童曾負責，他也是這家公司的擁有人。 7月中，日本讀賣新聞記者在這家公司辦公室中與該組織4名年輕的領導者碰面。 這個聯盟於1996年成立，由於完成包括2004年3月聯盟會員登陸釣魚島等壯舉而知名。這個聯盟的成員為許多年輕人所崇拜，聯盟網站中有許多批評日本的文章，其中有一篇呼籲大家抵制日本商品，以抗議日本政府允許日本企業在中國東海進行試驗的決定。另一篇呼籲中國政府對於日本的軍國主義採取強硬的手段。 這4名年輕領導者都是日本漫畫的忠實讀者，然而他們的態度並沒有如預期般衝動；相反地，他們相當冷靜。「我們不是反對日本人民，我們只批評日本軍事主義和日本領導人，像小泉純一郎等右傾領導人。」一人這麼說。 事實上，反日遊行4月16日在上海展開時，童曾和其他領導人待在北京外圍的旅館內。在上海遊行的幾天前，中國當局就要求他們離開北京，並在逮捕後用車將他們運到旅館。 那時在聯盟網站電子佈告欄上面刊登的訊息分成兩個陣營，一邊呼籲4月16日在天安門廣場示威抗議，一邊則建議大家自我克制。 其中一名領導者表示，當局隔離他們，就是因為害怕網站上刊登的訊息內容會真的在北京登場。 中國是在1994年開始發展網路。中國網路的使用者從1997年的62萬人於2005年飆高到1億人，全球上網人數僅次於美國。使用者的快速增加，導致愈來愈多的人們在網路上表達他們的意見。 7月18日中日學術研討會中，與會者表示，網路的到來，給了中國人民一個傳達意見的管道。網路也在形成公共輿論時扮演重要角色。然而，中國當局卻無意把政策制定的角色與他人分享，他們認為資訊管制對於維護中國共產黨統治角色不可避免。一名高階黨員表示，政黨應當領導公共意見。然而對中國共產黨而言，言論自由卻被視為洪水猛獸。 去年8月，中國當局忽然關閉幾個網站，包括由愛國者聯盟運作的網站在內。這個網站反對政府使用日本子彈列車技術，建立北京與上海之間的高速鐵路。這個網站30歲的負責人表示，當局告訴他，該網站對社會有負面影響。 去年9月，中國共產黨決定盡快建立網站上資訊控管系統，就是因為網路有無遠弗屆的衝擊力。然而，中國政府認為資訊科技是建立一個富裕和強壯國家的關鍵因素，因此無法完全捨棄現代科技。 因此，儘管對資訊的控管緊縮，中國發展出一個系統可以引進網路相關企業；但是仍舊無法避免反日的示威活動發生。 中國當局最近動員上萬人，包括人民解放軍在內，時時刻刻監督網站。北京一名黨員表示，共產黨對於關閉可能引起麻煩的反日網站，毫不猶豫。 「共產黨下決心建造一個鐵的『長城』，禁止網站不受限制地提供破壞性資訊。共產黨必須保護自己，防止任何挑戰政府威權的行為發生。」他說。 |
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| （回目錄） | |
| 數位萬里長城 | |
| 策劃、編譯■成怡夏 | |
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Great digital wall of China 摘要 在北京近郊，日本讀賣新聞記者來到破舊的磚房區，靠近市場有一群小販在賣蔬菜與乾貨，那裡有一個看起來簡直像是倉庫的平房，那是一家網吧，該店以低價位網路咖啡為號召，相當受到歡迎。 走進網吧，昏暗的燈光下有超過一百台電腦，機器與機器中並沒有區隔。 這是一家會員制的俱樂部。在網吧使用網路每小時收費5塊人民幣。大部分的使用者似乎都是十幾廿出頭的年輕人，其中許多人看起來像是從鄉下來到城市的勞工，正在檢查郵件信箱，打網路電話，或是玩電動遊戲。「來這裡的大學生不多，這裡到半夜非常擁擠，很多年輕人剛下班來這裡放鬆一下。」一名22歲來自安徽省的女服務生，說自己每週會到這裡兩到三次。 在福建省福州這個快速發展的城市，現在約有660萬人口，記者也發現一家網吧。這家網吧佔據了這棟大樓2樓整層。 在這裡會員每小時索價2元，非會員則每小時索價2.5元。根據規定，高中學生或更年輕的孩子不得進入網吧，顧客進入前應出示身分證以證明自己的年齡。然而，這家網吧的一名常客笑說：「我從未被要求出示身分證，我也常看見中學生在那裡出入。」 5年前，60％的中國網路使用者集中在三大城市──北京、上海和廣州。但是從去年起，近80％的使用者住在這三大城市之外。網路使用在貧窮的內陸地區愈來愈普遍。 網路的普遍性與大約3千元左右的低價電腦盛行有相當關聯，而網吧更讓低收入的年輕人有機會接觸到個人電腦。網吧3年前開始在中國風行起來。 從大城市到鄉下的省份，從知識精英到普羅大眾，看不見的網路快速籠罩全中國。把不計其數不知名的人連結起來，新的資訊工具戲劇化地改變了中國社會的許多層面，多年來，許多人在行動上和資訊取得上受到限制，如今藉著網路打開視野。 網路上的資訊傳播能發揮海嘯般的力量，在幾小時內喚醒公眾。今年2月，一家美國網站發起反日行動，並收集簽名反對日本成為聯合國安理會常任理事。一個月後，在中國3個主要網站加入這項行動後，簽名人數高達1千6百萬人。這3個主要網站都刊登日本教科書竄改二次世界大戰日本侵華史的報導，因此群眾隨即加入抵制日貨的行列。 反日訊息在網路上是非常受歡迎的類別，裡面充滿挑釁與強硬的語言。與報紙和電視受到嚴格管制不同，網路上充滿了批評日本的報導與訊息。一項調查顯示，去年網路上不到50％的日本的相關報導是批判性的文字，然而今年已有超過60％的報導都是批日的。 在中國，網路使用者的數目高達1億人，遠比8千5百萬的閱報人口多出許多。地方報紙從網路上面轉載訊息，把它當成是重要的資訊來源。 將網路和貼在文革時期的大字報作比較，網路的功能就相當於當年大字報的功能，不過其傳播的廣泛度則是有過之無不及。 原文 On the outskirts of Beijing, we came to a neighborhood of shabby brick houses. Near a market where vendors were selling vegetables and dried food, was a flat building looking almost like a warehouse. It was a wangba, a Chinese Internet cafe that has become popular due to low prices. It was the middle of July when we entered the wangba, which had more than 100 computers in a dimly lit space with no partitions between the machines. A members-only club, the wangba charges 5 yuan (about 70 yen) for an hour's Internet access. Most of the users seemed to be in their late teens or early 20s. Many of them, who seemed to be workers who had come from rural regions to the capital, were checking their e-mail, making Internet phone calls or playing computer games. "I don't see many college students here. It's most crowded around midnight. Many of them are young people who drop by after work to relax," a 22-year-old waitress from Anhui Province said of the wangba, which she said she visited two or three times a week. In Fuzhou, Fujian Province, a rapidly developing city of 6.6 million people, we also found a wangba. This one occu-pied the entire second floor of a multitenant building. Here, the charge is 2 yuan an hour for members and 2-1/2 yuan for nonmembers. High school students or younger children are barred and customers are supposed to present i-dentification cards when asked to prove their age. "I was never asked to show my ID, and I often see middle school students here," laughed a young man who said he was a reg-ular customer at the wangba. Five years ago, 60 percent of China's Internet users were concentrated in the three big cities of Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou, according to the government-affiliated China Internet Network Information Center. But last year, nearly 80 percent of the users were living outside the three big cities. Internet use, the center said, is on the rise in poor inland regions.What made this possible was the spread of cheap computers priced around 3,000 yuan, and wangbas, which made ?PCs accessible to the young and people with low incomes. Wangba started to spread across the country two of three years ago. From cities to rural provinces, from the elite to the mass-es, the invisible network of the Internet is rapidly covering China. Connecting countless numbers of unknowns, the new information device is dramatically changing many aspects of Chinese society, where, for many years, people were re-stricted in terms of movement and information exchange. Information disseminated on the Internet can have a tsunami-like effect, arousing public opinion in a matter of hours. In late February, a U.S.-based Web site advocating anti-Japanese initiatives started collecting signatures to op-pose Japan's bid to become a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council. A month later, the number of signatures topped 16 million after one of China's three major Web sites joined the drive. The three major sites all carried an inaccurate report that Japanese firms were sponsoring textbooks that distorted the history of World War II. The public reacted immediately with a massive boycott of Japanese products. Anti-Japanese messages are a popular genre on the Inter-net as they tend to be eye-catching with provocative, some-times tough, language. Unlike newspapers and television programs, which are strictly censored, the Internet is full of reports and messages critical of Japan. A survey found that less than 50 percent of reports on Japan on the Internet last year was critical of the country, but more than 60 percent of them are critical this year. "Whenever an inaccurate report is posted on the Internet, it is no time before local newspapers and weekly papers car-ry it. Then, the inaccurate report is fixed in many people's mind as a truth," a government-affiliated analyst said. In China, the number of Internet users has reached almost 100 million, far higher than the combined circulation of all daily newspapers, which is 85 million. Local newspapers are carrying stories that appeared on the Internet, believing it to be an important source of information. A source close to the Chinese Communist Party com-pared the Internet with wall posters, which served as vehi-cles of critical information, especially during the Cultural Revolution in 1960s and '70s. "The Internet is today's wall poster. People took notes of what was written on the wall posters to spread the reports, but the Internet is more explo-sive as what is said there can spread all at once," the source said. |
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| （回目錄） | |
| 台灣立報徵文啟事 | |
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