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══════════════════【立報】═══════════════════ |
| 教 育 專 題 深 入 報 導《2005-11-11》 |
| 本期內容 | |
| ◎弱勢奮戰 燃燒巴黎 | |
| ◎令人無法忍受的克麗奇蘇絲波伊斯事件 | |
| ◎被遺棄的一代 | |
| ◎歐洲面臨的移民挑戰 | |
| ◎台灣立報徵文啟事 | |
| 弱勢奮戰 燃燒巴黎 | |
| 策劃、編譯■成怡夏 | |
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Paris is Burning: Racism and Re-pression Explode in Week of Uprisings 摘要 一直被隔離在巴黎郊區的非洲移民，他們在巴黎居住、工作，法國卻不給他們平等的教育、就醫和其他相關權益；相對地，他們面臨的是愈來愈多的警力、檢查站、突襲以及不同程度的鎮壓行動。兩週前，巴黎郊區暴動終於一發不可收拾。 10月27日週四，當時有10名高中學生在巴黎郊區的克麗奇蘇絲波伊斯踢足球，警察出現要求他們拿出身分證檢查，由於某些孩子沒有身分證，他們跑掉並躲藏起來，其中3個孩子躲在變電所不幸觸電受傷，其中兩人觸電身亡，另有一受到重傷。 週六早上，一千名群眾在宗教組織和克奇蘇絲波伊斯地區清真寺的召集下聚集遊行，穆斯林社群代表懇求還給他們應有的平靜，遊行者身上則穿著「白白死去」標語的T恤。克奇市市長負責針對兩名男孩的死亡進行調查，於是所有的目光都集中在內政部長尼古拉斯‧沙柯吉身上，希望他給個合理答覆。 那晚，群眾於伊斯蘭曆齋月的命運之夜聚集在清真寺內（傳統上，這天穆斯林都會在清真寺內度過），空無一人的街道上卻出現大約4百名武裝部隊鎮暴警察與憲兵，將周圍街道封鎖起來。儘管種族主義者已感覺被警察嚴重羞辱，那晚卻只有極少數的人挑釁警察的威權。 到了週日，情勢急轉直下，一名婦女在清真寺的祈禱室被警方以催淚瓦斯攻擊，警方出言不遜，罵該名婦女「婊子」和其他不雅的字眼後，群眾的情緒開始轉為憤怒。暴動範圍迅速擴散，青少年朝車輛、商家和市政府投擲汽油彈，警方也予以反擊。儘管總統呼籲民眾冷靜，但暴動在幾天之內擴大到巴黎區至少20個城鎮，巴黎郊區至少發生520起汽車縱火案，甚至連巴黎市中心也開始傳出縱火案。 持續近兩週的夜間暴動事件使法國政府祭出嚴厲的對策，法國政府9日在政府網站上公布官方公告，宣布自9日凌晨0時起，全國進入緊急狀態。預計在動用緊急宵禁令的威脅下，暴動可能會暫時停止。（資料來源／獨立媒體） 原文 Africans living and working in Paris have been pushed into ghettoized suburbs of Paris (banlieue), where the state has with-drawn education, health, and other services, while increasing po-lice presence, checkpoints, raids on sans-papiers and levels of op-pression in general. This week the suburbs have exploded. The trigger came on Thursday, October 27th, 2005, as a group of 10 highschool kids were playing soccer in the Paris suburb of Clichy-sous-Bois. When police arrived to do ID checks, the kids ran away and hid, because some of them had no ID. Three of the children hid in an electrical transformer building of EDF and were electrocuted. Two of them, Ziad Benn (17) and Banou Traore' (15), died; the third, Metin (21), was severely injured. On Saturday morning, 1000 joined in a march organised by religious associations and mosques in Clichy-sous-Bois. Rep-resentatives of the Muslim community appealed for calm and marchers wore T-shirts saying mort pour rien ("dead for nothing"). The may-or of Clichy, Claude Dilain, called for an enquiry into the deaths of the two boys. All eyes were on Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy. The response? As people were gathering in the mosques for the Night of Destiny, the most sacred night in the month of Ra-madan, a night people usually spent at the mosque, the empty streets of the Cite' du Che^ne Pointu filled with about 400 CRS militant riot police and gendarmes, blocking off the neighbor-hood. Yet very few people allowed themselves to be provoked into breaking the sanctity of this night, despite racist insults from the police. On Sunday, however, provocation turned into outrage as the women's prayer room at de Bousquets mosque was teargassed by police. As people stumbled out gasping for air, the police-men called the women "whores", "bitches" and other insults. |
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| （回目錄） | |
| 令人無法忍受的克麗奇蘇絲波伊斯事件 | |
| 策劃、編譯■成怡夏 | |
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The Intolerable -about the events in Clichy-Sous-Bois 摘要 在克麗奇蘇絲波伊斯悲劇中，於變電所觸電身亡的年輕人，只是沉默安靜的年輕人，過去並未留下任何不良紀錄，警方對他們並不熟悉；可是反過來看情況卻完全不同，也就是說，這些年輕人對警方的不良紀錄瞭若指掌，他們清楚假如必須被檢查身分證件，就得花上幾小時待在警察局面對屈辱和輕蔑的難題，不過他們沒時間這麼做；因為，他們想要回家吃飯。 然而，為何內政部長沙柯吉非得言詞指控，甚至把整齣事件說成緊跟在一場偷竊之後發生？毫無疑問，他想要以某種觀點去影響大眾的視聽。所謂的郊區，在他的描述下是個沒有法律可言、被罪犯統治的地方，那兒的存在嚴重威脅公共安全，且是罪惡滋長的溫床。 當然部長也知道這些，你不可能愚弄他的。他可能會高舉對於這些暴動份子的「零容忍」，但是我們想要質疑的是，究竟什麼可以容忍？什麼才是令人無法容忍的事情？在一個文明社會中，這些因為自己的孩子、兄弟或朋友被追捕或殺害者的反抗並不會令人不能容忍，真正令人不能容忍的是，當權者與警方不負責任的傲慢，以及這個國家正在發動對付窮人的戰爭。這個事件從頭到尾，法國當局的態度就像是宣戰般冷酷。 在一個平等主義的社會中，這種情況恐怕令人無法想像。當內政部樹立起說謊的典範，我們看到的是，他的下屬沒有理由不跟著這麼做。所以有一名警官上廣播節目，說並沒有催淚瓦斯用來攻擊清真寺，反之是示威者使用的，這些謊言刺痛了許多人的心。就如他的長官明知根本沒有偷竊事件，這名警官也清楚，實際上警方使用了催淚瓦斯手榴彈。 在命運之夜那晚，克奇清真寺擁有一次欣賞法國警方效能的機會。當然他們也看到他們的母親試圖保護戰戰兢兢的孩子，卻被沙柯奇的部隊在階梯上找出來辱罵為婊子。那些人現在了解什麼叫做「殖民地的街坊管理」。明天，這個字眼肯定更明朗。 明天他們會被曉以共和國的大義，會拿出自由、平等、博愛等說詞複誦一遍，他們會被提醒這個國家是多麼重視人權。明天，郊區將會被妥善照顧──不過這些都得等你看到才會知道。 部長已經設定一個日期，每週他都會參訪一個「敏感街坊」，還給這些地方一個新的名稱叫「勞工階級街坊」。他會做一切必要之事，而鎮暴警察必會與他相隨。然而，人們不會問這麼多：只要被允許活下來就行了。當然，這樣就已經要求得過多了。 （以上文章譯自部落格，網址如下：http://sketchythoughts.blogspot.com） 原文 We now know that the young people who tragically met their deaths in an electrical substation in Clichy-sous-bois were not, to use the given expression, "well known to the police." They were quiet young people who had no record of trouble. But the contrary is not true. For their part, the young people knew the record of the police. They knew that if they had to go through one of those I.D. checks - as classic and vexing as they are useless - they ran the risk of having to spend a few hours at the police station, dealing with humiliation and contempt while they were there. And they did not have time for that. They had to go home, because it was soon time to break the fast; they were look-ing forward to eating. Why did the Minister of the Interrior make a point of say-ing that these events took place following an attempted theft? Doubtless, he wanted to play on the fantastic and dis-astrous idea that people have of the "suburbs," an idea that he himself helps to spread. That they are lawless places ruled by criminals, threats to public safety, breeding grounds of delinquency. If some young people die while fleeing the police, you might as well tell the good people that it is because they had done something wrong. Anything will do. If the story takes place on the edge of a poor neighbourhood in the "inner suburbs" around Paris, it is because we're deal-ing with "trash." And the Minister knows all about this! You can't fool him! No doubt, he would use some "karcher" on Clichy in honour of "zero tolerance". What we may doubt, though, is that we have the same idea of what is "tolerable" and what is not: after all, what is intolerable in a civilized society is not the revolt of those whose children, brothers and friends are hunted down and killed. What is intolerable is the arro-gance of the authorities, of irresponsible police, of the State which is waging war against the poor. Throughout these events the agents of the State have act-ed as if they were in a civil war. In an egalitarian society this would have been unthink-able. When the Minister of the Interior sets the example by lying, one sees no reason why his subordinates should not follow suit. So a police officer goes an the radio and says that no tear gas was used against the mosque, that in fact it was the demonstrators who used "pepper spray grenades", and that this is what sting some peoples' eyes. Just like his boss knew full well that there had been no theft, this cop was fully aware of what we all learnt later on, namely that they were in fact tear gas grenades from the police that were used. And so it was that during their prayers, on the Night of Destiny, that the Moslems of Clichy were given a chance to appreciate the efficiency of their country's police. They have no need to fear for their safety. They got to see how the Flash-Balls work. They get to see the children running scared while their mothers, trying to protect them, were called "whores" and chased down the stairs by the Mr Sarkozy's soldiers.Those who did not know are now able to see what "colonial neighbourhood management" means. Tomorrow, it will be clear. Tomorrow they will be told about the republic, about lib-erty, equality and fraternity. They will be reminded of how well respected and admired the country that produced the rights of man is all around the world. Tomorrow, the suburbs will be taken care of – and just wait til you see how! The Minister has already set a date; every week he will visit a "sensitive neighbourhood," for this is the new name for working class neighbourhoods. He'll do what's neces-sary. There will be units of riot police and special interven-tion squads. And yet, people were not asking so much: sim-ply to be allowed to live. Of course, this was doubtless ask-ing too much. Laurent Levy is author of Le spectre du communau-tarisme (editions Amsterdam). |
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| （回目錄） | |
| 被遺棄的一代 | |
| 策劃、編譯■成怡夏 | |
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An outcast generation 從克麗奇蘇絲波伊斯蔓延到整個法國其他住宅區和幾個省份城鎮的暴動，已經為法國窮困和多元種族地區醞釀已久的不滿情緒找到一個發洩的出口。只要一點星星之火，就足以在個長久以來被剝削郊區住宅區釀成大禍。與警方對峙和燃燒的汽車讓人想起過去25年來的小型城市暴動。但是千萬別把年輕人的行動，當成是大部分移民社區的窮人暴動魚目混珠。他們的暴動是一種社會抗議。 最近有一個5名年輕人的團體接受審訊，3名在15到16歲時輟學，違背了家人的期許。另外一名則是棄養孩子的父親，最後一名則有誹謗警察和偷竊的前科紀錄。除了在麥當勞打工外，他們想不出有什麼工作。他們成日和朋友在街頭閒蕩。 這樣的年輕人就是克奇新聞中兩名死者的典型樣板，他們在躲避警方時不慎被電死。不管這幾個男孩是否真的被警方追捕，這反應了這地區年輕人和警察之間駭人的關係。 而把輕蔑的話語加諸在這些年輕人之上的內政部長沙柯奇也受到媒體抨擊。多年來我們見證到的是，年輕人對警方冒犯和背叛舉動快速增加，而警方的表現卻彷彿是和他們有宿怨必須私了般誇張。的確，濫用權力的證據逐漸增加，已到了不只該對年輕人口關注，更該對警方這樣的機構規範的警戒程度。 是的，他們說，情勢已經改變了。搶劫和破壞的罪犯聚集附近鄰里的年輕人，製造最混亂的狀況好進行偷竊、燒店甚至縱火燒學校的惡行。假如警方無法控制這些狀況，這些貧窮社區的人口在「孩子」與警方的對峙中，實質支援孩子的行動，情勢一旦擴大，就難免遭到鎮壓。 當然這些衝突的快速蔓延說明了更廣泛的問題：影響最嚴重的地方，都是過去2、30年失業率最高及受教育程度最低的鄰近社區。法國一向忠貞捍衛不論文化根源和宗教立場的公民權，所以對他們來說，要承認種族隔離已將這個國家分裂的事實是件困難的事。這些地區並非法律的化外之境，不過由於社會隔離，所有社會張力只會更加惡化。 比起他們的父母，這些地區的年輕人不被了解以及被人恨惡。這裡受過教育的人或是有錢人都相繼搬離，更給人一種留在這裡的人都是失敗者的壓倒性感覺，像是公共服務遺棄了他們，事實上，遺棄感主要是來自那些有身份與穩定工作者的離去。 這得留待大部分為穆斯林的社區協會努力﹐若沒有一項公共政策對這些年輕人和他們的家庭表達了解與尊敬﹐我們就不能克服文化﹑政治與社會面上的斷裂。 （資料來源／英國衛報） |
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| （回目錄） | |
| 歐洲面臨的移民挑戰 | |
| 策劃、編譯■成怡夏 | |
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Europe faces 'fear of all things foreign' 看著法國的暴動，歐洲各國領袖帶著不安和幸災樂禍的複雜情緒，並得到以下兩個結論：其中之一是把法國的事件視為特殊事件，是法國患有色盲的共和政治，和象牙塔中的社會菁英愚蠢的某種特殊產物；另一個是，所以不會發生在我們這裡。然而這個結論是有問題的。 德國外交部顧問蕭伯就認為，法國條件與德國大不相同，德國就沒有類似的大型公寓大樓；英國首相布萊爾則明顯地怪罪法國警方策略錯誤，英國不會犯下同樣的錯誤；至於義大利，反對黨領袖龐洛帝在警告義大利將成為下一個法國後，隨即被指責是危言聳聽。然而，歐洲改革中心的旺林卻指出，種族歧視、年輕人失業的問題（半數以上被警方扣留的法國人都在18歲以下）、偏見、宗教偏狹、由於反恐對外國人產生的無端仇視，以及歐洲各國的全球化，歐洲各地都是這類衝突發生的潛在地區。 旺林說，每個社會都針對如何整合少數族裔和移民進行討論，特別是無技術的勞工階級會有經濟上的困境。然而，他們都沒有得到共識，大家對此都缺乏遠見，除非發生像法國這類的情況，他們才會被迫面對這個問題。所以，他認為，雖然會以不同形式展現，這個問題必然會在每個地方相繼發生。 整個歐洲事實上是暗潮洶湧的。荷蘭還因為去年11月發生的電影製片人Theo van Gogh謀殺案深受創傷，至今仍恐懼國際恐怖主義，並有國家認同問題。該地也曾發生攻擊清真寺的事件。 就像北歐國家一樣，德國以接納250萬的土耳其裔之種族平等主義取向為豪。然而移民社群失業率是全國平均失業率的兩倍，年輕人失業率更高達3倍。今年年初英國的「光榮謀殺」事件更震驚全英國社會。西班牙有一百萬穆斯林，長久以來一直在和驅逐來自北非的非法移民奮戰，這個問題也困擾義大利。 旺林認為﹐歐洲尚未找出如何和主要的少數族裔族群共存的方法。儘管大家都努力想找出整合之道﹐但是這個議題過於敏感至今尚無共識。另外各國極右派政黨的出現也是一個徵兆﹐他說﹐即右派代表歐洲又出現了某種程度的種族主義。 （資料來源／英國衛報） |
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| （回目錄） | |
| 台灣立報徵文啟事 | |
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