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| 教 育 專 題 深 入 報 導《2006-04-21》 |
| 本期內容 | |
| ◎國際專題：歐洲下一波移民危機 | |
| ◎俄羅斯強硬派國家主義者頻頻肇事 | |
| ◎吾思吾師 找回教師熱情與尊嚴徵文比賽 | |
| 國際專題：歐洲下一波移民危機 | |
| 策劃、編譯■侯美如、成怡夏 | |
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去年年底法國才掀起種族暴動的腥風血雨，現下又有新的移民問題等著登上歐洲各國的報紙頭條──歐洲邊界的巴爾干半島、東歐及環地中海國家正成為移民們的新頭家，然而，這些國家是否會像過去40年的西歐一樣，對外來種族採取疏離嚴厲的態度呢？ 過去10年對移居德、英、法等西歐國家的移民來說，是危險可怕的時期，世界各地都可以看到德國移民旅社爆炸案、種族攻擊事件、以及英國移民街頭暴動的新聞。另外，反移民情結還常常隨著政治家們煽動的選舉演說越演越烈：2000年到2002年間竄起的奧地利極右派政黨FPO黨魁海德爾（Jorg Haider）就公開反猶排外，替納粹辯解；1970年代到21世紀初的法國極右派「民族陣線」（Le Front national）主席勒潘（Jean-Marie Le Pen）認為種族之間沒有平等可言，法國一切的經濟社會問題都是外來移民造成的；此外，還有荷蘭右翼政治家兼反移民運動領袖佛圖恩（Pym Fortuyn）的「名言」「伊斯蘭是『愚蠢』的宗教，而荷蘭已經『人滿為患』了」，在在都打著民族主義的口號，煽動排外意識。 不管是那個國家的情形，外來移民是否對一個國家造成威脅，通常要考量三個向度：移民人數、人潮移入速度、以及當時國內經濟安全感。 然而，雖然移民在世界各地造成不少衝突紛爭，不可否認的是外來移民比例最高的地區同時發展也最完善─比如說移民占全人口比例13％的北美，和擁有7.7％外來人口的歐洲。然而，移民通常選擇工作機會最多的地區移居，雖然為新頭家注入了新動力，卻也加速了貧富差距的擴大：根據聯合國數據顯示，1913年時全世界最富有的國家是最窮國家的10倍富有，而這個數據到了2000年攀升到71倍，世界貧富之間的鴻溝越拉越大。此外，聯合國更指出，現下全球移民者的數量是有史以來最高的：目前2億的跨國移民人口是30年前8千4百萬移民的2倍多。以全球人口比來說，每35個人裡頭就有一個是跨國移民，可見移民已是當代社會司空見慣的現象，並且還在持續成長。 不過，移民潮對歐洲那些新東家來說，還是來得太多太突然了。舉希臘來說，一直到20年前為止希臘都是整個歐洲民族同質性最高的國家，當時98％的人口都是希臘人，但經過15年的移民熱，現在希臘每10人中就有1位移民，首都雅典甚至每5人中就有一位來自外國；大多數的移民來自鄰近的阿爾巴尼亞，而西非、中國、巴基斯坦及阿拉伯籍的移民也有增加的趨勢，不過幾乎所有的移民都是非法移入。同樣的，過去20年來義大利境內移民人數已從30萬躍升到2百萬以上；從北非大量湧入西班牙的4百萬移民目前也占其總人口的10分之1。 而這場突如其來的移民潮的確開始捲起一陣新的反移民情感。去年秋天就有據稱來自西班牙、義大利、法國、德國、以及希臘的近150名青年秘密在雅典市中心街頭召開一場詭異的政治性集會，這可是歐洲前所未見大規模的反移民種族團體活動。根據歐洲民調顯示，由於必須和外來者競爭已經為數不多的飯碗，青年對於移民最反感，這自然也是反移民政治集會對青年最有感召力的原因。所幸，去年的那場集會並沒有如其主辦單位──希臘極右派組織「黃金黎明」（Golden Dawn）──預期的成功，與會人士出奇的少。但無論如何那場會議還是順利召開了，且不論世間評價如何，這都引人注目。 鏡頭轉個角度，東歐地區則正在經歷極右派思想復興的洗禮。波蘭右翼政黨在去年的選舉勝出；反移民的法西斯主義組織11月也走上莫斯科街頭遊行示威。縱然俄羅斯和波蘭境內目前並沒有太多移民，長達15年的後共產經濟調節期使它們對外來力量抱持更質疑抵抗的態度；俄羅斯逐年攀高的種族仇恨犯罪率就是最好的見證。 問題是：引爆種族仇恨的關鍵是什麼？而歐洲移民新東家的態度何時回由「接受」轉為「抗拒」？ 對此，希臘智囊團Eliamep的資深研究員Anna Triandafyllidou表示：「有一種說法認為在歐洲，10％的外來人口是一個門檻，超過了門檻種族仇恨就將難以掌控。但我們認為更重要的是移民增加的速率以及其移入情形，這是我們從過去的模式檢討而來的；也許你會認為這是過度簡化的公式，但事實是，北歐和西歐的確是首先接納移民、並面對移民問題的地區，而現在中歐和東歐正要依樣畫葫蘆。」 看看德國的種族衝突史就知道了，移民（尤其是土耳其和希臘人）在60年代以勞工身份移入，為了振興工業，當時許多外國人被延請到德國工作；然而，到了90年代卻爆發極端反移民暴力事件，2001年時持續成長的種族仇恨犯罪已達到高峰的1萬4,724件─原因在於當時德國正在經歷合併後的經濟衰退期，移民卻在這個節骨眼加速移入，光是1991年到2003年之間就有1,420萬人口移入德國。可見之前提及的三向度（移民人數、移入速度、國內經濟安全感）是多麼重要──當國內或是某地區的工作機會減少，自己人與外來者之間的仇恨意識就升高。再回頭分析德國的例子，每年德國東半部種族犯罪的案子出奇的多，那是因為該地區的失業率高達15％，為西半部的兩倍；光是失業率就可以導致種族衝突，更別提德國東半部的移民人數比西半邊的少多了的事實。 而放眼整個西歐，模式都是一樣的：2001年夏天，英國布列福（Bradford）、奧耳丹（Oldham）及伯恩利（Burnley）的居民都見證了激烈的種族衝突──它們全是北英格蘭經濟蕭條、同時也正經歷移民衝擊的城市。法國科西嘉長久以來都對當地的摩洛哥移民相當不滿，時有暴力衝突──而科西嘉正是法國經濟最窘困、移民人口卻是全國第二多的地區，大約佔當地人口10％。另外，移民人口比率最高的巴黎及近郊也是去年暴動發生的震央。 結論是，雖然去年雅典的右翼集會是個大失敗，它卻可能暗示著將要襲擊歐洲的新移民衝突。而除了凝聚反動力量、甚至暴發炸彈攻擊或街頭暴力之外，反移民人士又可曾認真思考其他解決移民問題的辦法？整體而言，直至今日歐洲仍未正視移民問題；而或許就在較貧窮的歐洲國家將要步上其富裕鄰國的後塵時，種族衝突史很快又要寫上新的一頁。 （資料來源：http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2006%5C04%5C17%5Cstory_17-4-2006_pg3_5） So even though last autumn's right-wing gathering in Athens proved to be more ridiculous than riotous, one must wonder if it is a sign of things to come. What would it take for the opposition to gather steam, or worse, break into fire bombings and street attacks? Although a wave of race riots in France caught the world's attention in late 2005, another immigration problem is emerging in Europe that has yet to make headlines. Around the periphery of Europe - in the Balkans, Eastern Europe, and along the Mediterranean - a new group of countries is playing host to im-migrants from foreign shores. The question arises: Will these new destination countries follow the path of alienation and intolerance forged by Western Eu-rope during the last 40 years? The last decade has been a dangerous period for many of Western Europe's new arrivals in Germany, England and France. We've heard about the fire bombings of immigrant hostels, racially motivated attacks in small German towns, immigrant riots on the streets of Britain and so on. Anti-immigrant feelings have also manifested themselves in semi-official expression with the election, or near election, of right-wing demagogues like Jorg Haider in Aus-tria, Jean-Marie Le Pen in France or Pym Fortuyn in the Netherlands. In each case, a combination of three factors helps stoke anti-immigrant feel-ings: first, the total number of immigrants; second, the pace at which they come; and third, a sense of economic insecurity in the local population. Not surprisingly, the regions with the highest percentage of foreign-born residents are the most developed, namely North America (13 percent) and Eu-rope (7.7 percent) - as people move where there is economic opportunity. And the gap between rich and poor countries is growing ever wider. According to the United Nations, in 1913 the richest countries on earth were 10 times wealthier than the poorest. In 2000, the difference was 71 times. And the UN says that the number of migrants around the world is at an all-time high - there are almost 200 million international immigrants, more than double the 84 million of 30 years ago. Relative to total world population, one out of every 35 persons on earth is an international migrant. This means that international immigration is a fact of life and it is growing. But for many of the new destination countries in Europe, the transformation has been profound and sudden. Take Greece, for example: Until 20 years ago, the country was one of the most ethnically homogenous in Europe, with as much as 98 percent of the population identified as Greek. But after a 15-year immigration boom, one out of every 10 residents in Greece - and almost one in five in the centre of Athens - is now foreign born. The vast majority came from neighbouring Albania, but there are growing numbers of West Africans, Chi-nese, Pakistanis and Arabs too, and almost all are illegal residents. Likewise in I-taly, over the last 20 years the number of foreign-born legal residents has grown from around 300,000 to more than 2 million. In Spain, which has received waves of immigrants from North Africa, there are some 4 million legal and ille-gal newcomers, combined making up about 10 percent of the population. The pace and the number of newcomers have started to stir anti-immigrant feelings. In Greece early last autumn, one of the stranger political gatherings of Europe passed almost unnoticed by the outside world on the streets of Athens. Some 150 or so right-wing youth - purportedly from Spain, Italy, France, Germany and Greece - met in the centre of the city in the first ever pan-Eu-ropean meeting of racist, anti-immigrant groups. Polls throughout Europe have shown that youth, often competing with immigrants for scarce jobs, are usually the most opposed to immigration. Last year's meeting itself was a dud, attracting far fewer participants than hoped for by the organisers, the Greek ex-treme right group Golden Dawn. But that the meeting took place at all is re-markable. Meanwhile, in parts of Eastern Europe, the extreme right is experiencing its own small renaissance. In Poland, right-wing extremist groups have gained in-fluence since last year's elections. And in November, anti-immigrant fascist groups marched through the centre of Moscow. Although the immigrant pop-ulations in Russia and Poland remain small for now, the continuing shock of 15 years of post-Communist economic adjustment has manifested itself in signs of intolerance. In Russia, for example, hate crimes have been rising steadily for several years. The question is: What is the tipping point? When do attitudes in new "desti-nation" countries go from acceptance to intolerance? 『Some would argue that there is a threshold in Europe, say, around 10 per-cent of the population. And above that threshold, intolerance gets out of con-trol. But more important than the total size of the population is the rate of in-crease and under what conditions, how fast it has happened," says Anna Triandafyllidou, a senior research fellow focusing on immigration at Eliamep, a Greek think tank. "As far as patterns go, you might say, although it's a bit of simplification, that northern and western Europe were the first hosts and faced the first problems. And now central and eastern Europe are following suit." Take a look at racist attacks in Germany, where there have been immigrants for decades - most notably Turks and Greeks who were taken in as guest workers from the 1960s onward to work in the country's resurgent industries. But the worst forms of extremist violence took place throughout the 1990s. That's when the number of hate crimes rose steadily, peaking at 14,724 in 2001. Those attacks coincided with the economic downturn that followed German reunification and during a rising wave of immigration - between 1991 and 2003 some 14.2 million immigrants arrived in Germany. When there are too few jobs, either nationally or within certain regions, an-tagonism between locals and newcomers grows. Again, looking at the case in Germany, a disproportionate number of racist incidents take place each year in the "east", where unemployment ranges around 15 percent, double the rate in the western part of the country. That is despite the fact that eastern Germany has relatively few immigrants. Throughout Western Europe, the pattern is the same. In 2001 the UK wit-nessed a summer of racial violence in the towns of Bradford, Oldham and Burnley. All of them are located in the economically depressed north of Eng-land and all had seen a relatively recent influx in new immigrants. In France, there has been a striking rise in the number of racial attacks on Corsica against the island's mainly Moroccan immigrant community. It is worth noting that Corsica is by far the poorest region of France, with the second highest ratio of immigrants - some 10 percent of the population. The highest ratio is found in the city of Paris and the surrounding suburbs, the epicentre of the riots in 2005. So even though last autumn's right-wing gathering in Athens proved to be more ridiculous than riotous, one must wonder if it is a sign of things to come. What would it take for the opposition to gather steam, or worse, break into fire bombings and street attacks? As a whole, Europe still has not squarely confront-ed the issue of immigration. Now another chapter of intolerance looms as the poorer countries of Europe follow the path of their richer neighbours. |
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| （回目錄） | |
| 俄羅斯強硬派國家主義者頻頻肇事 | |
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俄羅斯警方上週逮捕一名涉嫌謀殺來自塞內加爾學生的嫌疑犯──這是俄羅斯一連串外國人與深色膚色人種的攻擊事件最近的一次。諸多評論已瞄準政府當局沒有採取強烈行動制止這個問題發生，其中暗示這個議題已遭到政治利用。 俄羅斯檢察官已扣留涉嫌殺害28歲於聖彼得堡的州立傳播大學就讀五年級的學生藍波撒‧塞爾的嫌犯。塞爾是在週五一大早和一些朋友離開大眾夜店時，頸部遭到射擊。警方發現遺留現場的凶器上有一個納粹黨徽，幾小時內，一個新納粹網站對這場謀殺案鼓掌稱好，並表示「城市內的清除工作仍會繼續」。 塞爾的死只是針對非洲人、亞洲人，以及俄羅斯和其他前蘇維埃共和國內部的非斯拉夫人展開的一長串事件中最新的一次。就在兩週前，一名俄羅斯和非洲的混血女孩在聖彼得堡遭到歹徒持刀攻擊受傷，這件事讓聖彼得堡成為所有俄羅斯的城市中發生這樣事件頻率最高的地方。 這麼多事件中，最糟糕的一次是一名塔吉克的9歲女孩兩年前和家人一起走路時，遭到光頭仔擊打致死。 由於把這樣的事件以暴徒無賴滋事看待，俄羅斯警方長期遭到批評。這樣一來，犯罪者遭逮捕後受到的判決刑罰小得多。根據莫斯科SOVA情報分析中心調查，到今年為止，已有7樁謀案件以及許多傷害案件都因種族主義者的攻擊行為而起。去年則有27樁謀殺案。 路德米拉‧那努賽瓦是聖彼得堡科學、文化、教育和健康聯盟的成員，她問道，街頭上還要濺出多少血，還有多少年輕女孩會被攻擊會謀殺？她呼籲展開反種族主義和法西斯主義的行動。 俄羅斯總統普丁曾經告訴過安全部門必須加快對抗「軍事國家主義和仇外情結」的腳步。 分析家表示，造成這些問題的原因在於俄羅斯的經濟困境，以及其年輕人的自卑感。不過，這其中也有政治向度，特別是國會的迅速增長和兩年內的總統選舉都升高這種緊張情勢。 莫斯科的政治分析家尼可萊‧沛裘伊表示，政客已經不是第一次打出國家主義牌了。他說，被他稱為「中央權力」的東西利用他所謂的「深色威脅」來影響選情。 俄羅斯國會中有兩個國家主義政黨，包括了由日里諾夫斯基（Vladimir Zhiri-novsky）領導的政黨，因為其聲明而聞名，被許多人視為種族主義者和排猶份子。另一個政黨去年推出一隻電視廣告，稱來自亞塞拜然的人為「垃圾」而陷入困境。 莫斯科卡內基中心的亞力克山‧馬拉閃歌表示，國家主義者的威脅還有反西方的層面。「國家主義可以用在國內，也可以轉化為對西方的反抗。」他說：「為了強化社會力量，可能需要扮演某種角色或是某種特定的手段，但是，我認為將來俄羅斯國家主義者的活動，可能只會對俄羅斯政治體系的建立造成極大的危險。」 由於這些不同而備受矚目的事件，大眾對此愈來愈為關切。本月稍早在莫斯科，年輕人甚至毆打來自南高加索山區的電視記者。 莫斯科涉嫌的光頭仔也嚴重傷害了一名重要的歌唱家，這位歌唱家是高加索山脈的卡巴爾達巴爾卡裡亞（Kabardino-Balka-ria）共和國之文化部長。 林林總總的事件，讓在俄羅斯的外國人、移民和學生社團備感恐怖。 回到聖彼得堡，塞爾的朋友聚集在宿舍中討論目前的情勢。有一人問了大家都想問的問題：「誰會是下一個受害者？」 |
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| （回目錄） | |
| 吾思吾師 找回教師熱情與尊嚴徵文比賽 | |
送舊迎新囉！迎接新的一年，讓我們滿懷感恩的心，感謝過去教導我們、使我們智慧增長的師長，用一千字以內的短文與大家分享溫馨感人的真人實事。全教會贊助入選者稿酬每字2元，來稿請以電子檔寄young@lihpao.co-m﹐附真實姓名﹑身份字號﹑銀行帳號。本報有權刪修來稿﹐來稿者視為同意本報集結出書時﹐不另支稿酬。 |
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