|
══════════════════【立報】═══════════════════ |
| 教 育 專 題 深 入 報 導《2006-08-18》 |
| 本期內容 | |
| ◎國際專題：叛軍種族屠殺 血染北烏干達 | |
| ◎烏干達和平現曙光 人權組織籲勿縱容戰犯 | |
| ◎吾思吾師 找回教師熱情與尊嚴徵文比賽 | |
| 國際專題：叛軍種族屠殺 血染北烏干達 | |
| 策劃、編譯■唐澄暐、侯美如 | |
|
20年來，叛亂已讓北烏干達傷痕累累，超過25萬人在內戰中喪生，而軟弱的政府不但無力拯救國民，反而和叛軍形同一丘之貉，在戡亂的名下進行相同殘暴的勾當。聯合國前任祕書長兒童與暴力特別代表奧圖努（Olara Otunnu）更表示，侵襲北烏干達的戰亂是由政府自導自演的一場有系統、全面性的人權災禍。 烏干達政府自1986年起就與境內叛軍「聖主反抗軍」（Lord's Resistance Army，LRA）干戈不止，逾千萬無辜平民死亡之外，更有180萬人流離失所，其中阿喬利人（A-choli）受創最重，95％都被迫離開家鄉，另外還有2萬5千民兒童被擄從軍；在那裡，每晚都有超過4萬個孩子為了逃避被綁入軍隊的命運而奔走到較安全的都市避難所。 但這一切並非單出於LRA之手，政府軍隊亦是幫兇。政府軍對所到之處進行焦土政策、甚至蓄意散播HIV病毒，非但不需接受法律制裁，有些軍官甚至此後仕途順遂。人權觀察與國際特赦組織也指出，烏干達政府以平定內亂之名，在國內行暴亂之實，表列出的殘酷行徑含有虐待、強暴、私刑、燒倉、井水下毒以及活埋百姓等等。 另外，1996年政府並規劃「保護營區」，160萬人被強制遷進，雖然美其名為「保護」，但世界衛生組織與聯合國數據卻指出，那些營區都成了疾病和叛軍們的「集中營」─每週有超過千人因飢餓及疾病死亡，光是2005前半年就有3萬多人在營區喪生，其中1萬1千人為5歲以下幼兒；而營區裡緊密搭建的茅草屋不但使火苗、疾病等能快速蔓延，更方便LRA叛軍進行攻擊，營區裡頭強暴、自殺案件頻傳，人民生活苦不堪言。 依1948年聯合國防止及懲治殘害人群罪公約，「蓄意破壞全部或一部分國家、民族、宗教團體，或以傷害生命以求消滅某一團體；殺害團體成員；造成團體成員嚴重身心傷害；或蓄意傷害團體生命以對全部或一部分團體造成物理傷害」等皆為「殘害人群罪」（Crime of Genocide）。而這些全都發生在北烏干達。自1986年起阿喬利地區便有超過4分之1人口死於戰亂，而針對該地區人民的殺害甚至越演越烈，進一步威脅阿喬利種族文化存亡。根據過去半個世紀在當地傳教的天主教神父表示，「和阿喬利有關的任何東西都在凋零。」 最糟的是，政府不但不著手解決種族屠殺的問題，反而落井下石。過去烏干達政府曾有宣傳運動將國內北方人口指為「兇殘」且「落後」。現任總統穆塞維尼(Yoweri Museveni)更以「那些人」指稱北方國民，還在1994年接受亞特蘭大月刊專訪時提到「那些笨蛋就活該被抓去當奴隸。」 若不是政府那麼公然地展露想讓阿喬利族被消滅的意圖，20年來烏干達政府無法平定內亂的污名或許還有開脫的藉口：當烏干達國會想通過一項宣布北烏干達為戰亂地區的改革法案時，總統穆塞維尼與其黨羽都投票表示否決；而當國際團體試圖介入北方保衛烏干達人民時，也遭到政府阻止。直到最近烏干達才正式坦承，國土北方確實有嚴重的人權傷害問題，內政部長魯貢達（Ruhakana Ru-gunda）並在13日邀請美國、荷蘭、挪威、南非及聯合國、非洲聯盟組成監督小組，冀望共同解決與LRA之間的紛爭。現下在北烏干達發生的可不只是傷害人權的案件，那可是名符其實的種族屠殺。 （來源：http://www.stnews.org/news-2952.htm） Northern Uganda is a blighted land scarred by 20 years of a brutal, murderous civil war that has claimed more than 250,000 lives. The government that purports to protect the people has played an inexcusable role in the perpetuation of this conflict. More to the point, Olara Otunna, the former U.N. un-der-secretary-general for children and armed conflict, has said that "the human rights and humanitarian catastrophe unfolding in northern Uganda is a methodical and comprehensive geno-cide, conceived and being carried out by the government." Since 1986, tens of thousands of civilians have been killed or brutalized by a war fought between the Ugandan government and the murderous Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) rebels. The war has left more than 1.8 million people displaced. About 95 percent of the Acholi people, the main ethnic group in northern Uganda, have been uprooted from their ancestral homes. More than 25,000 children have been abducted and forced to become rebels who kill and are killed. Each night, to avoid abduction, more than 40,000 children flee their homes to seek relative safety in urban shelters. The atrocities taking place daily are not only the work of the LRA. Government troops have maimed, raped and killed inno-cent civilians. Soldiers have engaged in scorched-earth tactics and the deliberate spreading of HIV and AIDS, often without punitive consequence. (In fact, many of the military commanders responsible for these acts have enjoyed long and successful ca-reers.) Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have documented cases of tortures, rapes, extra-judicial killings, the burning of granaries, the poisoning of wells and instances of burying people alive. Since 1996, the government has forcibly herded more than 1.6 million people into concentration-like camps where, according to the World Health Organization and the United Nations, more than 1,000 people die each week of starvation and preventable diseases. In the first half of 2005 alone, an estimated 30,000 peo-ple died in these camps. Of these, 11,000 were children under five. Rapes and suicides are widespread. Meanwhile, the government refers to the camps as "protected villages." The 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (ratified in 1951) describes genocide as a crime constituted by "acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical or racial, or religious group, or destroying conditions of life calculated to destroy a group; killing members of the group; causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; or deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical de-struction in whole or in part." These elements of genocide exist in northern Uganda today. In the Acholi region alone, more than a quarter of the population has been killed since 1986, and the killing has continued with increased intensity, causing the progressive destruction of a cul-ture and a way of life. As a Catholic priest who has worked in the region for the past 50 years maintains, "Everything Acholi is dy-ing." Government officials have sanctioned a propaganda campaign that refers to the northern population as "murderous" and "backward." President Yoweri Museveni himself has consistently referred to the people in the north as "those people," and during an interview with The Atlantic Monthly in September 1994, he said that those who are stupid deserved to be made into slaves. If the Ugandan government has not been entirely explicit about its intentions to allow the Acholi people to be destroyed, its reluctance to stem the violence is incriminating. When U-ganda's parliament passed a resolution declaring northern Ugan-da a disaster region, Museveni and his government vetoed it. Whenever the international community has attempted to inter-vene in northern Uganda to safeguard the population, the gov-ernment has refused to grant permission. Until recently, the government simply refused to acknowledge that there is a serious humanitarian problem in the north. This is a classic case of an ip-so facto genocide. For more than two decades, the international humanitarian community has remained conspicuously silent about the de-struction in northern Uganda. We need to bear witness to the genocide unfolding there and to build an effective constituency abroad to support the generations of children whose culture and way of life is being systematically destroyed in full view of the world. |
|
| （回目錄） | |
| 烏干達和平現曙光 人權組織籲勿縱容戰犯 | |
|
對於武裝衝突不斷的北烏干達而言，和平自然是求之不得的景象，但人權觀察組織卻指出，烏干達不該對戰爭犯及泯滅人性的罪犯下寬赦令。 20多年來境內叛軍「聖主反抗軍」（Lord」s Re-sistance Army，LRA）的勢力盤據在烏干達北部，人權觀察組織在近日列出其在當地犯下的罪行─拷問、性虐待、破壞、招募幼年軍、甚至迫使孩童殺害自己的親人。而上個月14日烏干達的和平終於出現曙光，政府與LRA在南蘇丹地方首府朱巴（Ju-ba）召開和平協議，烏干達在會談中表示，只要LRA積極回應並同意停止叛亂，政府願意給予其所有成員特赦，甚至包括5位LRA首領，儘管他們目前全是受國際刑事法庭（ICC）在全球通緝的重罪要犯。 1986年1月26日，烏干達境內「全國反抗軍」（National Resistance Army，NRA）游擊隊領袖右維尼‧穆塞維尼(Yoweri Museveni)以暴力取下臨時總統的頭銜，自那時開始「聖主反抗軍」LRA就開始叛亂、試圖撼動政府將穆塞維尼趕下台。LRA基地設於北烏干達，叛軍並在當地引起極大恐慌，他們橫行肆虐、四處破壞、並綁架阿喬利人（Acholi）兒童、迫使他們加入軍隊、或成為腳伕及軍妓，縱然叛軍領袖喬瑟夫‧柯尼（Joseph Kony）自己也出身阿喬利族。人權觀察組織並根據烏干達政府檔案，將包括性暴力等虐待列入LRA犯罪文件中。 國際刑事法庭並於2003年12月應穆塞維尼總統之邀進入烏干達調查針對LRA進行調查，2005年7月以大規模計畫性謀殺、性奴役、強暴、蓄意攻擊公民及強迫徵招15歲以下幼年軍等戰爭犯罪等罪名，對LRA五大首領─喬瑟夫‧柯尼、文森‧奧迪（Vincent Otti）、奧卡特‧奧德喜安波（Okot Odhiambo）、拉斯卡‧路克維亞（Raska Luk-wiya）、以及多明尼克‧歐葛文（Dominic Ong-wen）─下達追捕令。 人權觀察組織國際正義部部長理查‧狄克爾（Richard Dicker）認為：「LRA五巨頭涉嫌多起性奴役、謀殺及虐童案件，赦免或是類似的寬刑並不適用於這樣慘無人道的罪名。」的確，國際公法有其明定不可饒恕的重罪：像是種族屠殺、戰爭犯罪、反人道的犯罪及凌虐等等都在其之列；此外，《聯合國反酷刑公約》（U.N. Convention against Torture）、《日內瓦公約》（Geneva Conven-tions）、以及《國際刑事法院羅馬規約》（Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court）等國際協定也認同重罪犯必須要被依法訴，而烏干達也表示接受這些法規及其他人權宣言的協定。 聯合國秘書長科菲‧安南（Kofi Annan）表示，國際公法不會同意赦免重罪犯，聯合國也拒絕簽署以這種重罪赦免為交換條件的和平協定，因為確保那些重罪犯得到法律制裁是國際刑事法庭和其他刑事法院的義務，亦是它們對全世界人民的承諾。狄克爾則認為建立在赦免條件上的和平無法持續多久：「對不公睜一隻眼閉一隻眼只會破壞持久和平，這種情形我們已經看過太多次了。」因此人權觀察組織提出，聯合國與美英等核心國家不該坐視這種情形發生，而是堅守公平法治原則，強烈反對烏干達赦免LRA重罪犯。 提到重罪赦免其毀滅性的影響，西北非獅子山就是最好的見證。獅子山反對軍「革命聯合陣線」（Revolutionary United Front，RUF）在1991年由福戴‧桑科（Foday Sankoh）成立，透過賴比瑞亞總統查爾斯‧泰勒（Charles Taylor）等靠山資助，以國內的高價鑽石換取軍需及軍事訓練，在獅子山掀起10年內戰，RUF曾佔領全國90％鑽石礦，開採並以奴役童工為主，另外手段殘暴的反抗軍也常以斷手斷腳等慘無人道手段虐待無辜百姓、甚至連懷孕婦女都不放過，讓獅子山鑽石有「血腥鑽石」之稱；1999年7月獅子山政府以副總統暨國家礦藏資源委員會主席的職位換取RUF領導者桑科簽署停戰《洛美和平協議》（Lome peace accord），然而當雙方開始利益衝突時，桑科又重新帶著黨羽進入叢林，對政府、聯合國、及和平維護者展開另一段保衛抗亂。兩年多的戰亂之後，獅子山特別法庭才正式以謀殺罪名將桑科起訴，試圖消減叛軍勢力。 值得注意的是，蘇丹政府與其境內南方叛軍在結束歷時21年、堪稱非洲最長久內戰的和平協議上，並不包括任何赦免的條件。其後「前叛軍」在安全理事會同意下組成南蘇丹政府（GoSS），目前並為烏干達及LRA之間的和平協議護航。 人權觀察組織呼籲，國際刑事法庭已對LRA犯下的罪行進行詳盡調查、甚至在今年6月也對LRA的5大巨頭下達「紅色追緝令」，而作為對國際正義的回應，烏干達政府也必須在國內法庭起訴LRA叛亂份子，並非以赦免交換假和平，讓罪犯逍遙法外；另外，政府同時也應組成真相調查委員會，讓北烏干達人民的聲音也能被聽到，讓世界也知道LRA在烏干達造成多大的傷害。如此這等傳統的和解才是受害民眾樂見、並願意參與的方式。 （來源：http://hrw.org/english/docs/2006/07/27/uganda13863.htm） Genuine initiatives aimed at ending the devastating armed conflict in northern Uganda are welcome, but amnesties for war crimes and crimes against humanity must not be on offer, Human Rights Watch said today. On July 14 peace talks began between the Ugandan government and the rebel Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in Juba, the capital of the regional government of South-ern Sudan. As part of a peace package, the Ugandan gov-ernment delegation is offering amnesty to all LRA com-batants, including five top LRA leaders for whom the International Criminal Court (ICC) has issued arrest warrants on charges of war crimes and crimes against hu-manity. Human Rights Watch has documented human rights violations committed by the LRA over the years, in-cluding torture, sexual abuse, mutilations, recruitment of child soldiers, and forcing children to kill even members of their own families. 『The LRA Five are accused of widespread sexual slavery, murder, and brutalization of children over two decades," said Richard Dicker, director of Human Rights Watch's International Justice Program. "Amnesty or similar measures can not be on the table when it comes to these kinds of crimes." International law rejects impunity for serious crimes, such as genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and torture. International treaties, including the U.N. Convention against Torture, the Geneva Conventions, and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, require parties to ensure alleged perpetrators of serious crimes are prosecuted. Uganda has ratified each of these in addition to numerous other human rights treaties. According to U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, amnesties cannot be granted for serious crimes under in-ternational law, and peace agreements endorsed by the United Nations can never provide such amnesties. The creation of the International Criminal Court and other international criminal tribunals to prosecute geno-cide, war crimes, crimes against humanity or other seri-ous violations of humanitarian law illustrates the strong international commitment to justice for serious crimes. 『We have seen time and again that turning a blind eye to justice only undercuts durable peace," said Dicker. "How long can a peace based on this kind of deal last?" The United Nations and key governments, particu-larly the United States and the United Kingdom, should continue to speak out strongly against amnesty for war crimes and crimes against humanity. The devastating effect of amnesties for serious crimes can be seen in the example of Sierra Leone. In 1999 the Revolutionary United Front leader Foday Sankoh - al-legedly responsible for brutal crimes including mutila-tions, murder and rape - received an amnesty and was rewarded with control of a government commission in exchange for signing the Lome peace accord, which was supposed to end Sierra Leone's brutal war. Sankoh soon went on to attack both government forces and U.N. peacekeepers, taking hundreds of them hostage. The re-vived conflict was not declared over until more than two years later. Meanwhile, prosecution was pursued under the Special Court for Sierra Leone and has helped to marginalize the abusive leaders of the warring parties. Notably, the peace agreement that settled the 21-year war in southern Sudan in January 2005 did not include an amnesty. The government of Southern Sudan (GoSS), composed of former southern Sudanese rebels, came to power through this agreement, which was approved by the Security Council. The GoSS is now sponsoring the peace talks between the LRA and the Ugandan govern-ment. To supplement investigation and prosecutions by the International Criminal Court, Uganda also should con-duct meaningful prosecutions in its own courts, Human Rights Watch said. In addition, the Ugandan govern-ment should establish a truth commission or another truth-telling process that would allow people in north-ern Uganda a forum to speak about the human rights abuses that occurred during the war. This process could work alongside traditional reconciliation measures in which those affected wish to participate. Background on Northern Uganda and the ICC's Ar-rest Warrants for LRA Members The conflict in northern Uganda to depose President Yoweri Museveni began immediately after he took power by force in 1986. The rebel Lord's Resistance Army, based in northern Uganda, struck fear in the civil-ian population by carrying out mutilations, killings and forced recruitment of child soldiers mostly from the A-choli people of northern Uganda, although LRA leader Joseph Kony is Acholi himself. Human Rights Watch has also documented abuses by Ugandan government forces, including rape. In December 2003 Museveni invited the International Criminal Court to investigate the LRA. In July 2005 the court issued warrants for the arrest of the top five LRA leaders - Vincent Otti, Okot Odhiambo, Raska Lukwiya and Dominic Ongwen, as well as Joseph Kony - for crimes including widespread or systematic murder, sexual enslavement, rape, and war crimes such as intentionally attacking civilians and abducting and enlisting children under the age of 15. |
|
| （回目錄） | |
| 吾思吾師 找回教師熱情與尊嚴徵文比賽 | |
送舊迎新囉！迎接新的一年，讓我們滿懷感恩的心，感謝過去教導我們、使我們智慧增長的師長，用一千字以內的短文與大家分享溫馨感人的真人實事。全教會贊助入選者稿酬每字2元，來稿請以電子檔寄young@lihpao.co-m﹐附真實姓名﹑身份字號﹑銀行帳號。本報有權刪修來稿﹐來稿者視為同意本報集結出書時﹐不另支稿酬。 |
|
| （回目錄） | |
|
參觀立報： |
http://www.lihpao.com |
|
寫信給小編e-mail： |
fiveguys@ms19.hinet.net |
|
立報地址： |
台北縣新店市光復路43號 |
| 欲詳完整內容請訂閱立報 電話：02-86676655 傳真：02-82191213 訂報：02-86676655轉214 地址：台北縣新店市復興路43號1樓 每週一至週六出報，每份10元 |