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| 教 育 專 題 深 入 報 導《2006-11-03》 |
| 本期內容 | |
| ◎國際專題：Turkey's Kurds Back Ceasefire, Call on State to Follow庫德族喊停戰 | |
| ◎The Accepted Genocide of Kurds in Turkey土耳其受國際認可的種族屠殺？ | |
| ◎吾思吾師 找回教師熱情與尊嚴徵文比賽 | |
| 國際專題：Turkey's Kurds Back Ceasefire, Call on State to Follow庫德族喊停戰 | |
| 策劃、編譯■唐澄暐、侯美如 | |
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In the "Republic" shanty town, children with toy guns play rebel against soldier, but their parents hope a ceasefire by separatist guerrillas will finally bring peace to Turkey's southeast. "We all pray the violence will stop," said Hasan Cetin, 60, who like hundreds of Kurds here fled his village to escape the pressures of a decades-old conflict between the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and the army. "They (the PKK) fight with the state and we, the poor people, are always stuck in the middle," Cetin said. "If there is no more fighting the economy in the southeast will improve and we will have jobs and be able to leave these slums. But the state must do its part to end the conflict." The PKK, considered a terrorist organisation by Turkey, the United States and the European Union, declared a unilateral ceasefire on Oct. 1. The move was dismissed as a publicity stunt by the central government and army. But in the southeast's largest city Diyarbakir, politicians, intellectuals and residents welcomed the PKK action. "This ceasefire is different because conditions on the ground are different. I believe it can be permanent and that guns can be finally put down," said Sezgin Tanrikulu, a leading human rights lawyer and head of Diyarbakir's Bar Association. Analysts have said the ceasefire offers an opportunity to halt a 22-year-old conflict which has killed more than 30,000 people but they have warned that political steps must be taken to solve the Kurdish problem. Turkey is required by the European Union to improve Kurdish rights as part of a membership process which began a year ago. Brussels is expected to criticise Ankara's action on this in a progress report on Nov. 8. WEARY OF WAR In the southeast, some observers say the ceasefire shows Kurds are tired of violence. "Kurds have been saying democracy must be pursued and the PKK saw this and realised their position was getting worse as the belief in democracy was getting stronger," Abdurrahman Kurt, chairman of the ruling AK Party in Diyarbakir province, said. Jailed PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, who was captured in 1999, called for a unilateral ceasefire in late September. Violence had largely subsided after he was detained, but it flared again after the PKK called off another unilateral ceasefire in 2004. The latest truce came amid a diplomatic push by Turkey to break up the PKK, and a military offensive by the army, NATO's second largest, in the southeast. Hawkish Armed Forces chief General Yasar Buyukanit has vowed to fight the PKK, which still has considerable support in the southeast, until the last guerrilla is eradicated. Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan is under pressure to crack down on the PKK to stem rising nationalism ahead of elections next year. His AK Party, which has roots in political Islam, fears concessions on Kurdish rights or looking soft on the PKK will weaken the party at the ballot box next year. "We (non governmental organisations, intellectuals, local politicians) have to work to keep this ceasefire in place until the elections, and then the government will have a chance to work on it," Tanrikulu said. Politicians in Diyarbakir say small steps have been taken to meet Kurdish demands on rights, such as allowing limited Kurdish television broadcasts and teaching Kurdish in private classes. But for many Kurds these changes have not addressed the deeper disconnect they feel exists between the southeast and Ankara, dating back to the foundation of the Turkish republic on the ashes of the Ottoman Empire. "Whenever Kurds want to use their language, culture or ask for more rights, Turks remember the Ottoman story of losing their lands and then they panic," said Seyhmus Diken, a writer and adviser to Diyarbakir's Metropolitan Municipality. "Mentalities have to change," he told Reuters. HEAL WOUNDS The AK Party's Kurt says local politicians are trying to mend fences between Turks and Kurds. "Around 40,000 people have died so if you can't repair their hearts now it will be even tougher in the future," he said. "We must repair the mistakes. If someone went to the mountains (to join the PKK) their families should not be punished." The government has pledged financial support for families uprooted by the army's scorched-earth campaign against villages seen as supporting the PKK in the 1990s. But those affected say little is being done on the ground. Deep poverty has fuelled the conflict in a region that has failed to attract investment despite pledges by successive governments to boost development. "Families who had members jailed for being part of the PKK are excluded from the state and from benefits," said Aziz Aksahin, a 56-year-old unemployed teacher who was released from prison last year after serving 12 years for being a PKK member. Rasit Tekdemir, whose six sons joined the PKK, is sceptical anything will really change. The former farmer now scrapes a living for his daughters and wife as a fumigator. "I had a house in Ergani. I left everything behind, look now at the condition of this place," he said, gesturing to his living room where the only piece of value was a television set. "If there is a good ceasefire followed by a general amnesty then my sons can return home and help me here but I doubt it. Only the EU can really pressure the Turkish state," he said. 土耳其東南角，庫德族「共和」自治領土上一處貧民窟，孩子們正拿著玩具槍扮演官兵和叛軍，他們衝鋒陷陣打打殺殺的身影後，憂心的父母們卻祈禱著和平能早日降臨這塊土地。「我們都期望暴力有停止的一天。」60歲的瑟汀這麼說，正如上百位庫德族同胞的命運，他也在庫德族工人黨（PKK）及土耳其軍方間10來年的戰火下被迫遠離家園。「他們（PKK）和土耳其政府奮戰，而我們這些倒楣的貧民只得被夾在中間。如果戰火停息，東南方的經濟就能復甦，我們能找到工作然後脫離貧民窟。但政府也得出力終止紛爭。」 一直以來被土耳其、美國及歐盟視為恐怖組織的PKK已在10月1日單方面宣佈停戰，受到土耳其東南城迪亞巴克爾政治家、知識份子及居民歡迎，但土耳其中央政府及軍方卻率先打破停戰協議，令人意外。迪亞巴克爾大律師公會首席人權律師譚里庫魯指出，這次的停火協議和往常不同，因為情勢不同，「我相信這能帶來永續和平，戰火終將能停息。」 專家表示，此停戰協議為終止該地區長達22年、帶走3萬多條人命的分裂帶來一線曙光，但前提是土耳其政府必須先採取政治行動解決與庫德族之間的紛爭。早在一年前，改善庫德族人權情況就已被列為土耳其欲加入歐盟的條件，而這次土耳其政府先對庫德族大動干戈的事件，可能會在11月8日的歐盟進度報告會上受到布魯塞爾方面的譴責。 烽火連年，庫德族不堪其擾 部分土耳其東南方的觀察者指出，PKK這次主動提出息火協議，顯示庫德族已對紛爭彈性疲乏。土耳其執政黨公正發展黨（AK Party）主席克爾特在迪亞巴克爾發言解釋：「庫德人一直喊著要追求民主，而PKK也了解到當擁護民主的呼聲越強大時，他們的處境就越糟。」PKK黨主席奧克蘭於1999年被捕入獄，同年9月底他在獄中提出單方面停戰協議後，當地的暴力的確一時銳減，但2004年PKK打破協議後，土耳其東南角又淪陷熊熊戰火中。 而為了擊潰PKK勢力，土耳其政府開始出現大動作：不但在外交行動上表示與PKK的隔離，更打算出動稱得上北大西洋公約第二大的軍隊攻打。作風硬派的參謀總長博尤加尼特並發誓要將PKK斬草除根，直到最後一支游擊隊都被消滅為止，當初這個舉動甚至還獲得不少支持。另外，鑑於明年將舉行總理大選，執政黨擔心若此時對庫德族讓步或寬厚PKK，將影響選舉聲勢，為此土耳其總理埃爾多安對於如何處置PKK一事備感壓力。 譚里庫魯律師認為，非政府組織與各方政治家、有能者都應盡力維護和平協議運作，至少讓局勢穩定到明年大選，再讓新政府著手處理庫德族議題。對此迪亞巴克爾當地政治家表示，已採取行動回應庫德族對權益的訴求，像是開放部分庫德族電視廣播台、或是讓庫德族學生能在私人學校上課。 然而，這些小動作對長久來感到被中央排擠的庫德族來說仍是不夠的，自1923年土耳其共和國正式在奧圖曼帝國原領地上建立之後一直是如此。《迪亞巴克爾自治城》作者狄肯認為：「每當庫德族想要使用他們自己的語言、文化或要求更多權益，土耳其馬上想起奧圖曼帝國失去國土的陳年往事，然後他們就開始大驚小怪。」他向路透社表示，「他們得改變心態。」 戰後療傷 因此，不少地方政治家已開始著手修補土耳其與庫德族的關係。執政黨主席指出：「約有4萬人已在戰火中犧牲，如果你現在不能安撫庫德族受傷的心靈，以後就更不可能做得到了。我們必須彌補過錯，若有人欲加入PKK，我們不該因此懲罰他的家族。」1990年代不少庫德族村落因為被政府視為PKK黨羽而慘遭軍隊施行焦土政策，現在政府終於承諾要為那些遺族提出經濟補償。 但這只不過是官方說詞，受害者則透露他們的生活一點都沒有得到改善。到目前為止貧窮仍是官民戰火的導火線，雖然土耳其政府承諾為推動國家發展將投入大筆投資，東南方的貧民窟卻仍苦哈哈；而那些曾經因與PKK扯上關係而受迫害的人與其家族至目前為止也未獲補償，甚至還被邊緣化，被推出國家與社會福利之外。56歲的阿卡薩辛是名流浪教師，在他去年出獄之前，已經蹲牢獄整整12年了，而他的罪名只是「身為PKK成員」。 泰克德米爾膝下6子都是PKK成員，過去事農的他現在僅能依靠女兒和妻子的煙燻工作勉強維生。「過去我在埃爾加尼有棟房子，但我拋棄一切逃到這裡，現在看看我落到什麼田地，」他指著客廳裡唯一算的上值錢的電視機，「如果停戰協議後有大特赦，那我的兒子們就能平安回來幫助家業，但我懷疑這種可能性。現在唯一可以對土耳其施加壓力的只有歐盟而已。」 （路透社） |
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| （回目錄） | |
| The Accepted Genocide of Kurds in Turkey土耳其受國際認可的種族屠殺？ | |
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Since the Armenian genocide, Turkey has done very well to hide and disguise its dark history from the international community. But a shady past rarely dawns a bright future. Instead, Turkey is re-branding itself with Europe-friendly terms to essentially get rid of what it has always wanted to be rid of. Turkey's tidy up of its language: words with a distinct Kurdish origin wiped out and replaced. Indeed, anything that is not strictly Turkish has been linked to "terrorism" - a trigger word guaranteed to win the sympathies of the international community. The Turkish constitution does not recognise Kurds in Turkey, and so often labels them as terrorists, providing a convenient scapegoat for military uprisings and other political issues. Thus, "terrorist" becomes a synonym for Kurds. Turkey frequently argues that the PKK is a terrorist organisation; hence all Kurdish organisations are banned for what they may imply. Turkey is desperately in need of an imaginary threat to its "national security", "territorial integrity" and "sovereignty", achieved by "separatist/terrorist" Kurds. The scale of the suffering Kurds and destruction of Kurdish homeland does not fit into any "terrorist" definition. In 1999, the death toll of Kurds killed in Turkish military operations increased to over 40,000. According to the figures published by Turkey's own Parliament, 6,000 Kurdish villages were systematically evacuated of all inhabitants and 3,000,000 Kurds have been displaced. This sounds like an elimination of a people, a culture and a homeland. If Turkey is genuine in its elimination of terrorism, it must take brave steps, accepting Kurdish people and their homeland, Kurdistan, and ending its history of oppression. Professor Noam Chomsky called the Turkish response to Kurds an "ethnic cleansing", resulting in the death of thousands, the emigration of over two million people and the destruction of approximately 6000 villages. In fact, these methods by which Turkey has sought to oppress the Kurdish people are similar to those used by Saddam Hussein in the recent past, including the destruction of Kurdish land, mass evacuation and deportation. In some other areas, Turkey has used more oppressive methods to achieve its "Final Solution" of the Kurdish Issue. Some have found this unsurprising, given Turkey's Ottoman ancestry. During World War I, for example, the Ottoman Empire allied itself with Germany, and in the conflict's immediate aftermath conducted a programme aiming to exterminate the Armenians, Greeks, Yezidis and Alwis. To date, however, Turkey denies these genocidal campaigns. The oppression of Kurdish people within Turkey can be defined as genocide in various ways; cultural, linguistic and physical all play a part in the cleansing of Kurdish ethnicity from Turkey itself, and are still embraced by the Turkish constitution. The head of the British Parliamentary Human Rights Commission, Lord Avebury, said of Turkish atrocities in 1996 that, "Just as many people in western Europe turned a blind eye to Hitler's preparations for the Holocaust in the thirties, the democratic world ignores the evidence of incipient genocide against the Kurds in Turkey today." As history has shown in Iraq, Turkey cannot attempt to solve the Kurdistan issue with violence and oppression; the days have well passed in which campaigns of genocide can be "successfully" conducted, and Turkey must look to the future, realising that modern Kurds are not as Kurds from the dark ages. 自從1915年屠殺150萬人的亞美尼亞大屠殺事件後，土耳其對國際隱瞞黑暗歷史的手段就越來越高招了。不只如此，土耳其還以親善歐洲的新姿態重新登上國際舞台，並重整國內語言──所有源自庫德語的辭彙都被刪除或替換掉──所有不夠「土耳其」的都被和「恐怖主義」畫上等號，藉由「剷除恐怖主義」奪得國際同情，土耳其手段高招。 甚至，土耳其憲法也不承認庫德族的存在，還將他們視同恐怖份子，以方便為國內的軍事動亂和政治搖擺抓代罪羔羊。從此，庫德族就成為恐怖份子的同義詞，PKK自然而然被視為恐怖組織，且所有的庫德族組織都被因同樣理由禁止。 看來土耳其相當需要庫德族這樣一個「國家分裂者─恐怖主義者」的假想敵來維持所謂「國家安全」、達到「國土整合」和「政權穩固」；對土耳其而言，迫害庫德族及毀滅庫德家鄉這類勾當倒算不上是恐怖主義─1999年土耳其國會發表的數據指出，土耳其軍隊至目前已手刃4萬多名庫德族人、6千個庫德村落慘遭夷平、3百萬人因此被迫遷離家園，這聽起來倒挺像一場種族、文化和家園的大屠殺，當代最具影響力的語言學家兼政治評論家喬姆斯基教授（Noam Chomsky）則稱它為「種族淨化」（ethnic cleansing）。 倘若土耳其是真心想終結恐怖主義，那就應該勇敢接受庫德族和他們的故鄉庫德斯坦，為其惡名昭彰的殘害史畫上句點。事實上，土耳其用以對付庫德族的手段，正和過去海珊手法如出一轍，包括徹底毀滅庫德族家園、大規模遷徙庫德居民甚至驅逐出境，在某些地方土耳其甚至為了找出解決庫德族問題的「最正解」而使出更低劣的壓迫方式；但有鑒於過去奧圖曼土耳其的殘害史，許多人對庫德族的命運一點都不意外。第一次世界大戰時奧圖曼與德國結盟，並試圖殲滅亞美尼亞、希臘、耶西底教徒（Yezidi）等民族，直至今日，土耳其仍否認參與那些種族屠殺活動。 不只是肉體上的殘害，土耳其對庫德族的屠殺還包含文化、語言等多面向，在在都意圖利用憲法力量，將庫德血液從土耳其母體「淨化」除掉。而英國國會人權委員會會長艾維貝瑞在1996年提起庫德族處境時，指出：「正如許多西歐國家對希特勒於1930年代對猶太人的大屠殺視而不見一般，現在民主世界也選擇忽視土耳其對庫德族的初步種族屠殺。」有伊拉克的前車之鑑，土耳其應該明瞭暴力迫害並非解決庫德議題的答案，那些能「輕鬆完成」種族滅絕的時代已經過去，而土耳其也該看清現代庫德族和過去默默承受迫害的庫德族並不一樣，延續黑暗的歷史並無法開啟光明未來。 （URL：http://www.collectifvan.org/article.php?r=4&id=5157） |
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| （回目錄） | |
| 吾思吾師 找回教師熱情與尊嚴徵文比賽 | |
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