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══════════════════【立報】═══════════════════ |
| 教 育 專 題 深 入 報 導《2007-06-15》 |
| 本期內容 | |
| ◎國際專題：巴西無土地運動催促總統魯拉改革 | |
| ◎巴西警力入侵工人自主的工廠 | |
| ◎謀殺修女 首度有大地主被定罪 | |
| 國際專題：巴西無土地運動催促總統魯拉改革 | |
| 策劃、編譯■唐澄暐、陳玫伶 | |
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巴西最大的人民運動團體──無地勞工運動組織（葡萄牙文為 Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra，MST）在首都巴西利亞市中心聚集了超過一萬人示威，抗議總統魯拉的農業政策。集會活動已經長達一週，MST正在商討如何對總統施壓，說服他加速貧農的土地分配措施。 成立至今23年的MST是世界最大的土地改革團體，成員估計有35萬個家庭。目前有15萬個家庭的農地，訴求政府徵收土地，重新分配土地面積，以改善土地分配不公的情形。 幾位聯盟的前領導者背棄了當初的決定，原本要分給農民的土地現在改種植甘蔗，因為甘蔗可以萃取出乙醇，正是當紅炸子雞生質能源的原料之一。 「即使是人民選出來的政府，依舊背棄了人民和農民！許多基層農民不滿意現在的政策，他們希望可以加快改革速度。」 MST成員之一的艾莉莎穿著拉丁民族英雄切‧格瓦拉的T恤，向記者說明。 這場示威抗議的位置正好在一處難民營和一個音樂紀念活動場地之間。路邊的小販從天然威爾剛（此指藥草）到烤雞肉串，形形色色的商品應有盡有，巴西甘蔗樹下搭起臨時遮篷，每逢巴士開過，地上就揚起一陣紅色飛塵。 成千上萬的帳棚搭在雜草叢生的足球場上，面對公眾利益，農民們團結的力量勢不可擋。貼在帳篷上的宣傳標語寫著：「只要農民們團結起來，藍領和中產階層就無法抗衡。」 從全國各地前來的貧農全聚集在一頂圓形帳篷內，牆角的容器裝滿大量的米和豆子，他們準備長期抗戰。有一些代表載著帳棚和啤酒，自行開車前來，他們是各地最成功的MST小組成員，然而，土地改革的速度之緩慢，失望的表情難以言喻。 「都是魯拉害我們變成這樣的。」一位從巴西南部上來的MST產銷乳品組員向記者表示。 另有一說是巴西農地遊說團體說MST其實是害怕大財團的私有勢力。 一位MST高層協調人向記者透露，「我們第一個敵人是外資，第二個敵人是大地主，他們想要利用生質能源賺大錢。」MST正極力向政府施壓，訴求政府不要接受外資投資生質能源的農業開發計畫。（路透社） More than 10,000 activists from Brazil's biggest landless peasant group set up camp in downtown Brasilia on Monday to protest President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva's agricultural policies. During its week-long gathering in the capital, the Landless Rural Workers' Movement, or MST, will discuss how to pressure the Lula government to speed up the distribution of land to the poor. Many think the former union leader has abandoned their cause to back big farm business, including Brazil's latest export hit -- ethanol derived from sugar cane. "Even in this peoples' government, the large landowners are gaining power, displacing peasants and small farmers," said Eliazar da Silva, an MST member from southern Parana state. "There is discontent at the grass-roots level and talk of stepping up the confrontation," said da Silva, who wore a Lenin-style beard and Che Guevara T-shirt. The MST, probably the world's largest land reform group, says it has settled more than 350,000 families during its 23-year existence. Currently 150,000 families occupy land they want the government to expropriate and redistribute. Brazil's powerful farm lobby says the MST scares off investments by challenging the right to private property. REFUGEE CAMP-ROCK FESTIVAL At the sprawling sea of tents pitched on the parking lot around the city's football stadium, there was no doubt of the overwhelming sentiment toward big business. "By uniting the countryside, the city and the bourgeoisie won't resist," read a placard on a tent housing the delegation from central Minas Gerais state. The gathering was a cross between a refugee camp and a rock festival. Street vendors were selling everything from "natural Viagra" to polyester bras and grilled chicken kebabs. At a makeshift bar under a tree, Cachaca, or sugar-cane schnapps, helped wash down the red dust whirled up by buses arriving from all over the country. Delegates from some of the poorer regions were crowded on small foam mattresses under circus-like tents. In a corner, pots large enough to fit a grown pig produced industrial quantities of rice and beans. Representatives from more successful MST settlements came with their own vehicle, tent and cold beer. But the frustration with slow progress in land reform was the same. "Lula let us down," said Celestino Persch, co-founder of an MST-run dairy cooperative in southern Santa Catarina state with monthly sales of $3.1 million. The MST is looking to step up its protests against foreign investment in the booming ethanol industry, Vanderlei Martini, an MST national coordinator told Reuters. "Our number one enemy is foreign capital, our number two enemy are the large landowners -- they're joining forces in the agro-fuels business and that means it's a target," Martini said. (REUTERS) |
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| （回目錄） | |
| 巴西警力入侵工人自主的工廠 | |
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5月31日早上7點鐘，150名武裝警察入侵了由工人控制的CIPLA工廠，並強制安插了社會保險部要求聯邦法官委任的工廠官方。而當初由工廠工人從彼此之間選出的管理團隊則遭到驅逐，或無法進入廠區。不只廠中開始出現武裝威脅，官方一上任也立刻就將原本入口招牌寫的「CIPLA，工人自主的工廠」用黑色的帆布蓋住。 就在巴西聯邦警力展開行動的幾個小時後，要求終止干預CIPLA的國內與國際行動立刻就展開了。魯拉政府很快就收到許多抗議、呼籲訊息，而接受轟炸的也包括了負責本次行動的司法部長Tarso Genro、要求干涉CIPLA的社會保險部長Luis Marinho，以及勞工與雇用部長Carlos Lupi。 根據美國舊金山灣區獨立媒體中心（indybay）表示，Carlos Lupi聲稱他反對這項干預計畫，他的部門將努力促使警方撤離，並想辦法讓社會保險部放棄計畫。6月5日，魯拉政府仍未對本議題表達確定立場，而干涉行動持續進行，如今有10名受雇的武裝警衛控制廠內一切。 廠內的恐怖氣氛逐漸開始蔓延。而在新管理階層重掌工場之後，也對於主要的運動份子列出了「黑名單」進行迫害。這些協助警方建立黑名單的「空降」管理階層，背後有政府以及塑膠產業在撐腰，兼任大老闆的特使以及工人自治的打手。 然而，現在這個佔領者又將對過去工廠委員會的成員進行中傷計畫，以預防任何反抗行動。工廠官方將要求法官對40多位工人處以「結夥幫派罪」、「妨礙司法罪」及「妨礙社會秩序和平罪」等罪名。Indybay指出，當今巴西司法早學會選邊站，擅長對社會運動進行司法定罪。 然而，就在入侵工廠的24小時後，聯合工人組織CUT、無土地運動組織MST、人權中心CDH、工會幹事、議員、黨團和數十個政治或大眾組織舉行了會議，成立了「終結干涉CIPLA委員會」。Indybay表示，除了長期以來共同合作的無土地運動組織邀請其發言外，聯合工人組織全國化學（塑膠、石化、紙類、橡膠部門）聯盟也保證其支持。此外，聯邦代表也針對本議題發言，而工人也希望能在阿根廷、委內瑞拉、玻利維亞、烏拉圭、巴拉圭等國發起運動。這個團結計畫也延伸到世界各地，包括了由各國向其巴西大使館施壓，或是直接將反對警力干涉CIPLA的訊息傳到魯拉政府和聯邦法官，也在6月12日、13日分別於各地大使館以及巴西全國發起活動。 針對各地陸續發起的活動，執行干涉行動及定罪的法官Oziel企圖以一封自動回信來替他的不當判決辯駁。他的審判與警力干擾，是為了關閉CIPLA並清算全國各地的工人佔領工廠行動，而這項活動與全國工人階級行動有密不可分的關係。工人佔領工廠最主要的目標，在於達到「佔領工廠國家化、由工人民主管理」。然而，企業家卻無法接受工人自行管理工廠，而資本家並沒有存在必要的論證，因而出現了這次由企業家與政府所推動的干涉行動。 Oziel在他的信中指出：「……這整件事最重要的負面影響及損失的社會代價，就是不擇手段地維護工作，把對法律最惡劣的不尊重合理化，並捨棄了基本的法律規則。怎麼可以讓這種行為風行各地？」 indybay則認為，「最惡劣的不尊重」應該是不尊重工人，並使其成為資本的奴隸，或是眼睜睜看著他們被統治階級的權力利益羞辱。「最惡劣的不尊重」也可以是眼睜睜看著人們無法餵飽家人，但有錢人日益富有，也可以是眼見法官為統治階級服務，並使用所有的警力來入侵工廠，威迫工人。 On May 31, at 7:00 am, 150 police armed to the teeth invaded Cipla, a factory controlled by the workers, and "installed" an administrator appointed by the federal judge at the request of the INSS (Social Security). The management elected by the workers along with other selected workers were expelled or prevented from entering the plant. Armed terror has been imposed in the factory. One of the first measures taken by the administrator was to cover with a black canvas the plaque at the entrance of the factory which said: "CIPLA, company controlled by the workers." A marvelous national and international compaign demanding the end of the intervention at Cipla was launched just a few hours after the Federal Police carried out their war operations. Messages began to arrive to the Lula government and the Minister of Justice, Tarso Genro, who is responsible for the Federal Police and Luis Marinho, Minister of Social Security, from whose ministry the request for the intervention in Cipla came. Messages were also sent to the Minister of Labour and Employment, Carlos Lupi. This strong and immediate reaction gave us the strength and energy to organize the resistance against these riduculous events. Hours after the invasion, on May 31, while in contact with the Minister of Labour, Carlos Lupi, we were told that he was against the intervention and that his ministry would work to get the police to withdraw and the INSS to withdraw its intervention request. Today, June 5, the Lula government has not expressed a concrete attitude on these issues and the intervention continues, now with dozens of contracted armed men controlling everything inside the factory. A climate of terror has been established in the factory. And as in the times of the dictatorship, a "black list" has been drawn up triggering the political persecution of the main activists. All of this is taking place in the presence and with the active support of the president/gangster of the plastics union in Joinville, who abandoned the CUT and is known as an agent of the bosses and an enemy of the factory occupations. This fake trade unionist has dedicated himself to the hunting of activists in the factory along with helping the police to draw up this "black list". Now, a despicable slander campaign is being carried out against the members of the Factory Committee on the part of the administrator and his subordinates in order to demoralize the workers and prevent any resistance. The administrator has asked the judge to charge more than 40 workers with being members of a "gang", "obstruction of justice", and "disturbing social order and peace", amongst other terrible things. The judge has gone with the prevailing wave today in Brasil in criminalizing social movements. However, less than 24 hours after the invasion, a meeting was held with more than 100 attending, establishing the Committee for the End of the Intervention in CIPLA, formed by the CUT (United Workers' Organisation), the MST (Landless Peasants Movement), CDH (Centre for Human Rights), shop stewards, councilors, parties and dozens of political and popular organizations and associations. The MST, a long-time ally, invited us to speak in their National Congress which will bring together more that 16,000 delegates on June 12-15 in Brasilia. The CUT published our press releases on their web site. The National Chemistry Confederation of the CUT -CNQ- which organizes the plastic, oil, chemical, paper and rubber sectors, has invited us to speak at their congress and guaranteed their support. Federal deputies have spoken on the subject. Factories occupied by workers have called us and are organizing campaigns in Argentina, Venezuela, Bolivia, Uruguay, Paraguay and other countries. The solidarity campaign has spread throughout the world with pressure on the embassies in many countries (which is very important) and with thousands of messages to the ministers in the Lula government, and to the federal judge responsible for the police/military intervention in Cipla. The solidarity we have received from the population in Joinville has also been impressive and reassuring. At this time we are preparing a national day of action at Cipla on June 13, demanding an end to the intervention. Other events are being organized in other countries at Brazilian embassies on June 12. Against this immense campaign, Judge Oziel has sent an automatic reply by email attempting to justify his unjustifiable acts. The objective of this military/judicial intervention is to close Cipla and liquidate the national movement of occupied factories, which is so formly united with the whole of the working class movement. Our central demand has always been "Nationalisation of Occupied Factories" (social and public operation of factories) under the democratic control of the workers. However, for the bosses and their lackies, the practical demonstration of the fact that the capitalists are unnecessary and that the workers can manage and control the factories without these parasites, is intolerable. If this can be done in the factories why not throughout all of society? The intervention was carried out to end all this. As Judge Oziel says in his decision: "Fifth, and probably the most important negative effect of the social cost of the attitude of the company: by using the argument that all is allowed in the defence of the one thousand jobs, it is legitimising the most gross lack of respect for the law and throwing away the whole basis of the rule of law. Imagine if this becomes fashionable?." From our point of view, gross lack of respect is not respecting the workers and treating them as the slaves of capital. Gross lack of respect is seeing men and women humiliated by the power and interests of the ruling class. Gross lack of respect is seeing working people not able to feed their families while the rich get richer. Gross lack of respect is seeing the judges and others acting in the service of the ruling class and using all possible police/military force to invade a factory and terrorise the workers. Further below we will respond to this gross lack of respect sent by way of automatic email by Judge Oziel. However, it is not possible to forget that the request for intervention was carried out by the INSS, the Lula government's Minister of Social Security, who we, along with all the workers of Cipla helped to elect on two occasions. This is also gross lack of respect and shameful. http://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2007/06/07/18425632.php |
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| 謀殺修女 首度有大地主被定罪 | |
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在美國出生、巴西長大的73歲修女桃樂茜‧史坦（Dorothy Stang），是聲援貧者與爭取人權的人權鬥士，2005年2月，當她回阿那布的家中時，被近距離射擊6槍身亡。根據官方調查，兇手先是發了1槍使修女倒地，接著又補了5發子彈，顯示犯罪經過計畫，警方於是提起公訴罪。日前，本案嫌犯、當地富有地主莫拉（Vitalmiro Bastos de Moura），被陪審團判定有罪。 由於土地爭議，近年來至少有幾百個巴西農人死於非命，一千人以上被逐出農地，其中，近8百件謀殺案的證人僅有寥寥幾個，多數案件沒有目擊證人。 人權、勞工與經濟團體對於抓到射殺修女的兇手認罪感到欣慰，他們指出這是第一次大地主被定罪，儘管沒有證據的案例還有很多很多。 陪審員替疑犯莫拉抗辯時候，上百位聚集到法庭外示威抗議，當法官宣佈莫拉有罪，最多可以判處30年有期徒刑，法庭場外歡聲雷動。 史坦修女的室友珍‧卓爾修女與她共居將近10年，感嘆地說：「希望這些人最終能尋得內心的平靜。」 史坦修女的哥哥大衛（David Stang)，之前是Maryknoll宣教團的團員表示：「我只希望因為替亞瑪遜地區貧民發聲而受害的人可以獲得應有的正義。」 修女家族發言人表示他們對於教宗訪問巴西時，對此事件沒有回應感到失望，言語中顯現出聲援弱勢族群的人，處境十分困難。 教宗本篤16世認為不要突顯衝突，教會應該要跟社區一起做，而不是僅僅告訴他們要怎麼做。 According to a story posed on the Ekklesia UK website (www.ekklesia.co.uk) grassroots Christian communities and land activists have expressed disappointment that Pope Benedict chose not to highlight the case, which they say shows the church working with the poor rather than lecturing them, during his recent visit. "The 73-year old American-born nun lived in the country for more than 20 years in the region and had become legendary as a defender of the poor and landless," said the story. "In February 2005, she was shot six times at point-blank range on a muddy track five hours' drive from her home in Anapu, a sprawling settlement of 30,000 at the edge of the rain forest. "According to the official investigation, the last five bullets hit her when she was already on the ground - showing that the crime was premeditated with malice, declared the prosecutor. "There have been hundreds on killings in Brazil over land disputes in recent years as ranchers have seized land and evicted thousands of peasants to make way for cattle rearing. However this has lead to only a few convictions from around 800 murders. "Last week civil rights, labor and eco-campaigners welcomed the conviction. They point out that it is the first time a large landowner in the region has been found guilty of a serious crime of this kind, even though many others are alleged to have taken place. "Hundreds of people camped in the plaza outside the court while jurors heard the case against Vitalmiro Bastos de Moura. There was jubilation when it was announced that Moura had been sentenced to the maximum prison term of 30 years." Sr. Jane Dwyer, who lived with Sr. Dorothy in Anapu for almost a decade, was quoted as saying, "Maybe all these people will finally have some peace." Sr. Dorothy's brother, aged 69, a former Maryknoll missionary, declared : "I just hope this opens up the door to justice in so many other cases of violence against the poor farmers of the Amazon." The Stang family said that they were also disappointed that Pope Benedict XVI had not mentioned Sr. Dorothy during his much-publicized visit to Brazil." "It would have shown the world the plight of some of the most vulnerable people in this land", a spokeswoman said. http://www.spcm.org/Journal/spip.php?article11583 |
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