| ┌───────── ■ 南 方 電 子 報 ■ ──── 2001/04/06 ┐ 讓商業邏輯下失去戰場的理想在網路發聲 └────── 南方社區文化網路：http://www.esouth.org ────┘ ======================【今日主題文章摘要】====================== ◎伊拉克：一手遮天（作者╱約翰‧皮爾哲；翻譯╱連文山） 事件的中心便是對整個伊拉克社會所做的一個精心刻意的破壞，而 它的目的則是要削弱巴格達政權，好受西方勢力左右，然而卻還任其 強大得足以控制自己的人民。這向來一直是英－美協同的政策。和保 護伊拉克少數民族的宣傳樣板相反，目的其實是，一方面要避免庫德 族在北方製造分離，並防止回教什葉派在國內其他地方建立政權；同 時又要維持西方在當地的勢力，並獲得廉價石油。 =========================【編輯室報告】========================= 【 請南方讀者務必要做的一個動作 】 各位喜歡閱讀「南方電子報」的朋友請留意，麻煩您動手做一個簡 單的動作。這一年多來，由於得到來自「易達網」的宣傳，引進數萬 新訂戶，使得「南方電子報」帳面上的訂戶數字已經超過十萬。不過， 經由實際的線上調查得知，這一年內新增加的、經由易達網轉入的訂 戶，有很大的比例目前已經沒有在看「南方」。 這現象普遍存在於台灣各網站的電子報。若是商業電子報，一般都 會故意保持虛張聲勢的訂戶名單，即使十萬訂戶只有兩三萬在看，還 是會佯裝有十萬訂戶，以維持網站的聲勢與地位。不過，「南方」是 一份實事求是的非商業電子報。一份膨脹到十幾萬人的訂戶名單，對 「南方」反而造成維護上的困擾，也會浪費網路頻寬以及伺服器的負 擔。 因此，「南方」決定重新整理訂戶名單。如果您希望以後還能持續 收到「南方電子報」，請務必要進行下列動作： 《 方法一：經由 topica 網站留下 email address 》 請由您的電子郵件信箱寄一封信（標題、內容隨意）到 esouthnews-subscribe@topica.com 不久後，您的信箱就會收到一封標題為 RESPONSE REQUIRED: Confirm your subscription to esouthnews@topica.com 的信件。這封信，您可以從信件裡找到一個欄位 ONE-CLICK CONFIRMATION! 裡面會有一個類似 http://www.topica.com/sysmsg/?cid=xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx&p=ConfSubxxx 的超連結。請在您的電腦還連在Internet上時點一點這個超連結，這 時應該會驅動IE或Netscape等瀏覽器程式連到topica網站。Topica會 要求您加入會員，但不加入也無妨。不久後，您的信箱會收到標題為 Welcome to esouthnews@topica.com 的信件，就表示您的email address已經成功加入南方在topica申請的 電子報(newsletter)中。 《 方法二：到 eGroups 網站留下 email address 》 請直接連上 http://tw.egroups.com/group/esouthnews 請按下「參加小組」，如果您本身已經是eGroups的會員，再填入 您在eGroups的帳號密碼即可。若不是，請先選擇「新成員？免費登 錄請到這裡！」，逐步完成資料填寫後，最後按下「參加」按鈕。 不久後，您的電子郵件信箱就會收到一封標題為： 「請完成用戶註冊」 的電子郵件。按照信裡所說去做，不久，您就可以收到一封標題為： 「歡迎參加esouthnews」的信件，表示您的email address已經成功 加入「南方」在eGroups所開設的信區。 《 結語 》 以上兩種方法，以topica較為簡單，不需要填寫任何個人資料。 eGroups的方法較複雜，但有中文介面。eGroups上有一些人文的中文 信區如「南方社群」(esouth-community)、「網奴」(netslave)、 「網路非營利組織」(dot-org)等等，如果您還想加入其他中文信區， 則不妨選擇eGroups。 在此感謝「易達網」以及長期支持網路人文的「智邦科技」（易達 網前身「智邦生活館」之母公司）。過去一年半來，易達網引進超過 二十萬以上人潮來訂閱諸如「南方」、「人本」等十餘份社運、人文 之電子報。即使這些人潮，最後可能只有一部分留下來成為人文電子 報的長期讀者，但對於資源匱乏的非營利組織來說，已相當難能可貴。 建議其他社會團體或網路作家的電子報，也要定期進行名單重整的工 作，以正確評估電子報的效益。 「南方電子報」 敬上 ※關於以上兩種留下 email 的方法如有任何問題，請 email 給 grief@esouth.org 。 ==========================【捐款公告】========================== ◎感謝陳茂榜文教基金會捐款 30000 元。 ========================【人文活動訊息】======================== ◎(台北、金門)青年和平大使培訓營隊(5/4~5/6;7/1~7/4，4/7報名截止) ◎(台北)台灣南極學會第五次南極讀書會(4/13) ◎(台北)新世紀心北投論壇──生態旅遊研討會(4/27) ※以上活動訊息請至 http://www.esouth.org/sccid/union.html 閱讀詳細資料 ==========================【人文通訊】========================== ◎石岡大牛庄組合屋需二手電腦數台 石岡大牛庄組合屋課輔教室，亟需二手電腦二至數台， 做為開辦兒童電腦班之用。 各方人士如有報廢之二手電腦，且為使用 WINDOW 95/98介面， WORD 軟體功能尚佳者，願意捐贈大牛庄課輔班使用者， 請和石岡仔工作站聯絡。謝謝！ 新竹北埔大隘社『石岡仔工作站』 台中縣石岡鄉土牛村國校巷臨29之57號 聯絡人：李杰穎 手機：0922994220 電話：（03）5803238(北埔） （04）25823258（石岡） ◎面對‧東方白文學月活動 主 題：接合歷史與文學的真與美 1. 4/05(四) 下午 2:30-4:00 接合歷史與文學的真與美 ─東方白《真與美》全六卷發表會 地 點：誠品敦南店B2視聽室(台北市敦化南路一段245號B2) 2. 4/06(五) 晚上7:00-9:00 陳芳明‧東方白面對面 ─文學家東方白追憶錄(1) 地 點：市長官邸和式講堂(台北市徐州路46號) 3. 4/13(五) 上午10:00-12:00 左營高中演講會 主 題：接合歷史與文學的真與美 地 點：左營高中(左營高中圖書館4樓崇文堂) 東方白活動詢問&簽名熱線：02-23560301 ※此活動訊息之詳細內文請至 http://www.esouth.org/sccid/comm/20010404-1.htm 閱讀 ◎四月六日《麥浪歌詠隊》新書座談會新聞稿 紅色熱血的青春與白色恐怖的年代 追憶一九四九年台灣大學與師範學院「四六事件」，與台灣五○年代的學生運動與白色恐怖 活動：「四六事件」52週年紀念暨《麥浪歌詠隊》新書座談會 地點：巴黎公社（台北市羅斯福路三段284巷12號 02-23677543） 時間：2001年4月6日（星期五）下午14：00至16：00 主題：五○年代四六事件、學生運動、白色恐怖 流程：開場──范振國 先生（巴黎公社負責人，前人間出版編輯） 播放「四六事件」紀錄片 座談、評論： 見證─張以淮先生（麥浪歌詠隊隊長） 評論─尹章義教授（輔仁大學史學系教授） 評論─陳映真先生（人間出版） 作者─藍博洲先生 主辦： 晨星出版有限公司 ※此活動訊息之詳細內文請至 http://www.esouth.org/sccid/comm/20010404-2.htm 閱讀 ==========================【主題文章】========================== ※以下文章由「陳真」提供，不代表「南方」立場。如需轉載，請直 接與提供單位聯絡。若您有不同意見，歡迎您與作者聯絡，或者請加 入南方討論區 http://tw.egroups.com/group/esouth-community 提 出您的回應與挑戰。 ──────────────────────────────── 標題：伊拉克：一手遮天 作者：約翰‧皮爾哲 譯者：連文山 來源：投稿 ──────────────────────────────── Monday 22nd January 2001 二○○一年，一月二十二日，星期一 Most victims of depleted uranium are not soldiers, but civilians, many of them children. John Pilger reports on what one doctor calls "another Hiroshima" 大多數被耗乏鈾所害的並非是軍人而是平民，其中又有許多是為兒童。 約翰‧皮爾哲對一位醫生所稱的「另一個廣島」做如下的報導。 On the eve of an election campaign, the Blair government is attempting, with mounting desperation, to suppress a scandal potentially greater than the arms-to-Iraq cover-up. This is the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people, perhaps many more, caused by decisions taken in Whitehall and Washington. Moreover, the evidence of deceit and lying points to at least two Cabinet ministers and three junior ministers. 選戰前夕，布萊爾〔英國首相〕政府拼命想要去壓堵一個有可能比軍 售伊拉克案以來的更大的醜聞。這就是在英國政府和白宮所做的決定 下所造成數以萬計，也許更多的死亡人數。再者，欺謊和矇騙的證據 指向至少兩位內閣閣員和三位低階官員。 At its centre is the unerring, wilful destruction of a whole society, Iraq, the aim of which is to keep the regime in Baghdad weak enough to be influenced by the west and yet strong enough to control its own people. This is longstanding Anglo-American policy. Contrary to the propaganda version about protecting Iraq's ethnic peoples,the objective is to prevent a Kurdish secession in the north and the establishment of a Shi'ite religious state in the rest of the country, while maintaining the west's dominance of the region and its access to cheap oil. 事件的中心便是對整個伊拉克社會所做的一個精心刻意的破壞，而它 的目的則是要削弱巴格達政權，好受西方勢力左右，然而卻還任其強 大得足以控制自己的人民。這向來一直是英－美協同的政策。和保護 伊拉克少數民族的宣傳樣板相反，目的其實是，一方面要避免庫德族 在北方製造分離，並防止回教什葉派在國內其他地方建立政權；同時 又要維持西方在當地的勢力，並獲得廉價石油。 The victims of this policy are 20 million Iraqis, uniquely isolated from the rest of humanity by an economic embargo whose viciousness has been compared with a medieval siege. The word "genocide" has been used by experts on international law and other cautious voices, such as Denis Halliday, the former assistant secretary general of the United Nations, who resigned as the UN's senior humanitarian official in Iraq, and Hans von Sponeck, his successor, who also resigned in protest. Each had 34 years at the UN and were acclaimed in their field; their resignations, along with the head of the World Food Programme in Baghdad, were unprecedented. 而這個政策下的犧牲品則是二千萬的伊拉克人民，他們在經濟封鎖下 和世界其他文明隔絕，這種制裁的殘酷性則被比喻為類似中古世紀時 的圍城戰略。「種族殲滅」這個字已被國際法專家及其他說話謹慎的 人用來形容禁運所帶來的慘況，諸如曾為聯合國助理祕書長的丹尼斯 ‧哈勒戴和漢斯‧凡思邦內克，都先後辭去他們聯合國駐伊拉克資深 人道官員的職位以表示抗議。他們分別在聯合國都有三十四年的工作 經驗，在他們的領域也倍受讚譽；他們和在巴格達的聯合國食物計劃 主持人的辭職是前所未見的。 After more than a decade of sanctions, no one on the Security Council wants them, except the United States and Britain. The French foreign minister, Hubert Vedrine, has called them "cruel, because they exclusively punish the Iraqi people and the weakest among them, and ineffective, because they don't touch the regime". Had Saddam Hussein said on television "we think the price is worth it", referring to Unicef's figure of half a million child deaths, he would have been called a monster by the British government. Madeleine Albright said that. Whitehall remained silent. 在超過十年的制裁之後，聯合國安全理事會裡除了美國和英國之外， 沒有一個國家贊成繼續制裁。法國外交部長雨博‧威專稱那些制裁 「殘忍，因為它們只單獨處罰伊拉克人和它們之間最脆弱的人，以及 無效，因為它們無法碰到伊拉克政權一根汗毛」。如果薩丹‧海珊有 上電視說：「我想這樣的代價是值得的」﹐指由聯合國兒童組織統計 的五十萬的兒童死亡人數這樣的代價，他早就被英國政府罵作一頭怪 獸。瑪德琳‧歐布萊特說了那樣的話。然而英國政府卻噤若寒蟬。 The Blair government has played the traditional role of Washington's proxy with particular enthusiasm. The latest Security Council resolution, 1284, was drafted by British officials in New York. They are said to be proud of it. Peter Hain, the Foreign Office minister, constantly refers to it as "Iraq's way out". In fact, it is a specious set of demands, requiring the return of weapons inspectors, but not offering any guarantee that sanctions will be suspended if the regime complies. Last year, Jon Davies, then head of the Iraq desk at the Foreign Office, admitted the "lack of clarity in exactly what the provisions will be". The suspicion all along, says Dr Eric Herring, the Bristol University specialist, is that "US and British policy is one of continually moving or hiding the goalposts so that compliance [by Iraq] becomes impossible and so that the sanctions cannot be lifted". 布萊爾政府向來就很熱衷扮演華盛頓代理人的那個傳統角色。聯合國 安理會最近的一項一二八四決議就是由英國官員在紐約所草擬的。據 說他們還為此沾沾自喜。外交部官員彼得‧海恩在提到此決議案時， 不斷地稱是「伊拉克逃過制裁之途」。事實上此決議是一套乍看類似 有理的要求，命令重新接納武器檢查人員，卻並不保證如果伊拉克照 辦就會停止制裁。去年，當時任外交部伊拉克事務長的強‧戴維思坦 承「決議裡到底有那些但書，缺乏明確的交代」。據布理斯托大學的 專家艾略克‧赫靈所說，其中的疑竇一直就是「美國和英國的政策不 斷地移動和隱藏標地，因此伊拉克就不可能能夠遵照要求，也因此制 裁就不能解除」。 In recent months, in the columns of the New Statesman and the Guardian, Peter Hain has defended a sanctions regime that, says Unicef, is a principal cause of the deaths of at least 180 children every day. Hain's articles and letters are scripted by Foreign Office officials using the familiar, weasel lexicon that denied British support for the Khmer Rouge, the use of Hawk aircraft in East Timor and the illegal shipment of weapons parts to Britain's favourite 1980s tyrant, Saddam Hussein. Sir Richard Scott's inquiry acknowledged their "culture of lying". 最近幾個月，彼得‧海恩在《新政治家》（New Statesman）和 《衛報》（The Guardian）的專欄著文，為被聯合國兒童組織稱為造 成每天至少一百八十個兒童死亡的主要原因的制裁行為而辯護。海恩 的文章和投書是以外交部官員用來否認英國支持高棉共產黨、霍克戰 鬥機被用於鎮壓東帝汶、及非法軍售武器零件給在一九八○年代最受 英國政府青睞的暴君薩丹‧海珊等事件慣用的含糊字眼所寫成。理察 ‧司考特爵士的調查坦承他們的“撒謊文化”。 You get a sense of the scale of lying from Hain's latest letter to the NS (15 January), in which he claimed that "about $16bn of humanitarian relief was available to the Iraqi people last year". Quoting UN documents, Hans von Sponeck replies in this issue (page 37) that the figure was actually for four years and that, after reparations are paid to Kuwait and the oil companies, Iraq is left with just $100 a year with which to keep one human being alive. That Hain does not appear even to question the competence of those who write his disinformation is remarkable. That he allows the bureaucracy of a rapacious order he once opposed to invoke his anti-apartheid record is a bleak irony. That he is said privately to have serious doubts about sanctions, which he rejected for Zimbabwe, saying they would "hurt the ordinary people, not the elite", is a measure of his ambition, and perhaps explains why he refuses to engage his critics, preferring rhetoric and abuse. Each time he calls a principled, informed critic, such as Halliday and von Sponeck, "a dupe of Saddam Hussein", there is an echo of the apartheid regime calling a young Hain "a dupe of communism". 從海恩最近投給《新政治家》（一月十五日）的一封信中可以發覺他 們的謊言有多大。信中他說「去年伊拉克人民收到了大約一千六百萬 美元的人道救助」。在本期的《新政治家》（三十七頁）中，漢斯‧ 凡司邦內克引用聯合國的文件回應說那筆數目其實是四年的總合，扣 除給科威特和其他石油公司的補償金，伊拉克只拿到一年一百美元要 用來養活一個人。而表面上海恩對那些擬寫錯誤資料的人的能力居然 都不去追究，實在是很誇張。而他讓自己曾一度反對的貪婪官僚體系 來喚醒人們對他自己本身過去反對南非種族隔離政策的記憶一事，更 是一個叫人心寒的諷刺。有人私底下說他對制裁這事深表懷疑──記 得他以前反對對辛巴威進行制裁，說有可能會「傷到普通老百姓，而 不是菁英份子」──是達成他野心的一項手段，這也解釋為什麼他不 和他的批評者對話，寧願耍文字遊戲和濫罵。每一次他稱像哈勒維和 凡思邦內克那樣有原則、消息靈通的評論家是「受薩丹‧海珊騙的呆 瓜」時，我們就可以聽到南非種族隔離政策罵年輕的海恩「一個受共 產主義騙的呆瓜」這樣的回音。 The sanctions issue is one of three related scandals involving epic suffering and loss of life. The truth about the effects of depleted uranium in shells fired in the 1991 Gulf war and Nato's 1999 attack on Yugoslavia, is that the Americans and British waged a form of nuclear warfare on civilian populations, disregarding the health and safety of their own troops. This was largely to test the Pentagon's post-cold war strategy of "all-out war". 制裁這件事是涉及大規模苦難和喪失人命的三個醜聞之一。一九九一 年的波斯灣戰爭和一九九九年北大西洋公約組織攻打南斯拉夫時使用 帶有耗乏鈾的彈藥的事實是，美國和英國向平民展開一種核子戰，同 時也不顧自己軍隊的健康和安全。這有一大部份是在測試五角大廈在 後冷戰時期“全面戰爭”的軍事策略。 On 9 January, John Spellar, the Defence Minister, told the House of Commons that the conclusion of many years of research showed "there is no evidence linking DU to cancers or to the more general ill health being experienced by some Gulf veterans". This echoes Peter Hain, who said there had been "no credible research data". In fact, the data is credible and voluminous, dating back to the development of the atomic bomb in 1943, when Brigadier General Leslie Groves, the head of the Manhattan Project, warned that particles of uranium used in ammunition could cause "permanent lung damage". In 1991, the UK Atomic Energy Authority warned that, if particles from merely 8 per cent of the DU used in the Gulf were inhaled, there could be "300,000 potential deaths". 一月九日國防部官員約翰‧思佩勒告訴英國下議院，多年研究的結果 顯示「沒有證據可以證實耗乏鈾和波斯灣退伍軍人所經驗的癌症和一 般健康問題兩者之間有任何關聯」。這話互應了彼得‧海恩說的，一 直都「沒有可信的研究資料」。事實上是，資料不但可信，更是汗牛 充棟，追溯到一九四三年發展原子彈時。當時擔任曼哈頓計劃主持人 的萊斯理‧格羅弗斯將軍警告說，火藥中所使用的鈾分子會造成「肺 部永久性的損害」。一九九一年英國原子能會曾警告說，如果僅僅吸 入了用於波斯灣戰役中百分之八的耗乏鈾分子，將有「三十萬人死亡 的可能」。 Spellar claimed there had been no rise in the number of kidney ailments or cancers among veterans of the Gulf war. The Ministry of Defence has been told by the National Gulf Veterans and Families Association of a dramatic increase in both diseases among veterans. Last year, Speller said: "We are unaware of anything that shows depleted uranium has caused any ill health or death of people who served in Kosovo or Bosnia." Again, this was false. Nato's own guidelines include: "Inhalation of insoluble depleted uranium dust particles has been associated with long-term health effects including cancers and birth defects." It was only after six Italian soldiers, who had served in Kosovo, died from leukemia, that the scandal caused panic in Nato, with the Defence Secretary, Geoffrey Hoon, contradicting himself, saying DU posed a "limited risk", then "no risks", then, bizarrely, that it is "protecting British forces". 思佩勒宣稱腎疾和癌症病患的數字在波斯灣退伍軍人之中並沒有上升。 全國波斯灣退伍軍人及家屬協會告之國防部，退伍軍人中這兩種疾病 有戲劇性的增加。去年思佩勒說道：「我們並不知道有什麼能顯示耗 乏鈾對服役於科索佛和波斯尼亞的人有造成任何的健康病變和死亡。」 再一次地，這是錯的。北約的準則中包括：「吸入未分解的耗乏鈾分 子塵已和包括癌症跟畸形兒等的長期健康影響聯想在一起。」等到六 位曾服役於科索佛的意大利士兵死於白血病之後，這個醜聞才在北約 造成慌亂，國防祕書傑佛瑞‧琿自相矛盾地說耗乏鈾製造「一點危險」 ，然後「沒有危險」，然後，很詭異地，它「保護英國軍隊」。 For the Iraqi people, however, the cover-up continues. What has been striking about the political and media reaction over the past fortnight is that most of the victims of depleted uranium have rated barely a mention. Yet Tony Blair himself was made aware of their suffering when he was sent, in March 1999, UN statistics, published in the British Medical Journal, showing a sevenfold increase in cancer in southern Iraq between 1989 and 1994. 然而對於伊拉克人民來說，隱瞞繼續進行。在過去兩週以來政治和媒 體的反應最驚人之處便是，大多數耗乏鈾的受害者鮮少被提及。然而 藉由呈給他的一份於一九九九年三月發表在英國醫學期刊中的一份聯 合國統計數字，〔英國首相〕東尼‧布萊爾也知道那些人的苦難。報 告中指出在一九八九和一九九四年之間，南伊拉克的癌症數字呈七倍 數的成長。 It is in southern Iraq that the theoretical figure of "500,000 potential deaths" can be applied, in a desert landscape where the dust gets in your eyes, nose and throat, swirling around people in the street and children in playgrounds. In Basra's hospitals, the cancer wards are overflowing. Before the Gulf war, they did not exist. "The dust carries death," Dr Jawad Al-Ali, a cancer specialist and member of Britain's Royal College of Physicians, told me. "Our own studies indicate that more than 40 per cent of the population in this area will get cancer in five years' time to begin with, then long afterwards. Most of my own family now have cancer, and we have no history of the disease. It has spread to the medical staff of this hospital. We are living through another Hiroshima. Of course, we don't know the precise source of the contamination, because we are not allowed [under sanctions] to get the equipment to conduct a proper scientific survey, or even to test the excess level in our bodies. We suspect depleted uranium. There simply can be no other explanation." “五十萬的可能死亡人數”這個理論推算出的數字可套用在伊拉克南 部，在這樣一個沙漠地帶，塵埃飛進眼睛、鼻子和喉嚨，包圍街上的 行人和遊樂場中的兒童。巴司拉當地醫院的癌症病房裡人滿為患。波 斯灣戰之前，這樣的景況是不存在的。「灰塵中帶著死亡，」英國皇 家醫學院一員的癌症專家捷瓦德‧艾爾－阿里醫師告訴我。「我們自 己的研究指出，一開始五年之內這個地區百分之四十的人口會罹患癌 症，然後一直增加下去。我大部分的家人都得到癌症了，然而我們並 沒有癌症的家族史。連這所醫院裡的員工也都紛紛遭池魚之殃。我們 正在經歷另一個廣島〔核爆〕。當然，我們並不知道造成污染的原凶 到底是什麼，因為我們不准（在制裁下）去取得儀器來做準確的科學 調查，甚至也不能去測試我們體內超量的程度。我們懷疑是耗乏鈾。 不可能有其他的解釋了。」 The Sanctions Committee in New York has blocked or delayed a range of cancer diagnostic equipment and drugs, even painkillers. Professor Karol Sikora, as chief of the cancer programme of the World Health Organisation, wrote in the British Medical Journal: "Requested radiotherapy equipment, chemotherapy drugs and analgesics are consistently blocked by United States and British advisers [to the Sanctions Committee]. There seems to be a rather ludicrous notion that such agents could be converted into chemical or other weapons." Professor Sikora told me: "The saddest thing I saw in Iraq was children dying because there was no chemotherapy and no pain control. It seemed crazy they couldn't have morphine, because for everybody with cancer pain, it is the best drug. When I was there, they had a little bottle of aspirin pills to go round 200 patients in pain." Although there have since been improvements in some areas, more than 1,000 life-saving items remain "on hold" in New York, with Kofi Annan personally appealing for their release "without delay". 在紐約的制裁委員會已經阻擋或是拖延了甚至包括止痛藥等的一些藥 物和用來診斷癌症的器材。國際衛生組織癌症計劃的主持人卡洛‧席 寇拉教授在英國醫學期刊撰文指出：「要求的放射線治療設備、化學 治療藥物和止痛藥劑等一直不斷地被美國和英國的（制裁委員會）顧 問所阻擋。這其中似乎有一個很荒謬的想法，就是說像這些東西能被 用來轉換成化學和其他武器。」席寇拉告訴我說：「我在伊拉克看到 最悲慘的一件事就是兒童們因為沒有化療和止痛方法而一個一個地死 去。他們不能有嗎啡似乎是很瘋狂的一件事，因為對每個受癌症病痛 的苦的人來說，這是最有效的藥。當我在那兒的時候，他們只有一瓶 阿斯匹靈在兩百個全身都是病痛的病人之間輪傳。」雖然之後有些地 方的情況已經有所改善，然而一千件救命的物品還「扣留」在紐約， 讓〔聯合國祕書長〕寇非‧安南親自請求「馬上」於于釋放。 I interviewed Professor Doug Rokke, the US Army health physicist who led the "clean-up" of depleted uranium in Kuwait. He now has 5,000 times the permissible level of radiation in his body, and is ill. "There can be no reasonable doubt about this," he said. "As a result of the heavy metal and radiological poison of DU, people in southern Iraq are experiencing respiratory problems, breathing problems, kidney problems, cancers. Members of my own team have died or are dying from cancer . . . At various meetings and conferences, the Iraqis have asked for the normal medical treatment protocols. The US Department of Defense and the British Ministry of Defence have refused them. I attended a conference in Washington where the Iraqis came looking for help. They approached myself, officials of the Defense Department and the British MoD. They were told it was their responsibility; they were rebuffed." 我訪問了率領在科威特“清除”耗乏鈾工作的美國陸軍健康物理學家 道格‧洛克教授。他現在體內有超出許可範圍五千倍的放射線，而且 病了。「這其中不可能有疑，」他說，「因為耗乏鈾的重金屬和放射 性毒素的結果，伊拉克南部的人正在忍受呼吸道的問題、腎臟問題， 癌症。我隊上的人員已經有人死於癌症，有些則已離死期不遠…在各 場合的會議和研討會上，伊拉克人民已提出獲得一般醫藥治療協議書 的要求。美國和英國的國防部也已拒絕了他們。我參加了一場在華盛 頓舉行的研討會，伊拉克人也出席求助。他們來找我、美國和英國國 防部的官員。他們被告之那是他們自己的責任；他們的請求被悍然拒 絕。」 The third strand in the cover-up is the killing of Iraqi civilians by RAF and American aircraft in the "no-fly zones". As Hans von Sponeck points out in his letter, these violate international law. In a five-month period surveyed by the UN Security Sector, almost half the casualties were civilians. I interviewed eyewitnesses to one of the attacks described in the UN report. A shepherd family of six - a grandfather, the father and four children - were killed by a British or American pilot, who made two passes at them in open desert. Pieces of the missile lay among the remains of their sheep. United Nations staff - not the Iraqi government - confirmed in person the facts of this atrocity. The Blair government has spent *800m bombing Iraq. 這整個隱瞞行為的第三個事件便是英國皇家空軍和美國戰鬥機在“禁 飛”區內殺害平民。如漢斯‧凡思邦內克在他的信中指出這些殺戮行 為是違反國際公法的。聯合國安全組所做的為期五個月的調查指出， 幾乎一半的傷亡人數都是平民。我面談了一位目睹了聯合國報告中所 描述的攻擊事件之一的見證人。一家大小六人的牧羊家庭──一位祖 父、父親和四個小孩──被一位英國還是美國的駕駛員所殺害，他在 空曠的沙漠中向這個家庭來回空襲了兩次。飛彈的殘片就散佈在他們 被炸死的羊隻的屍首之間。聯合國的官員──不是伊拉克政府──親 自證實了這件暴行的種種事實。布萊爾政府花了八億英鎊轟炸伊拉克。 In his 15 January letter to the NS, Peter Hain described my reference to the possibility that he, along with other western politicians, might find themselves summoned before the new International Criminal Court as "gratuitous". It is far from gratuitous. A report for the UN Secretary General, written by Professor Marc Bossuyt, a distinguished authority on international law, says that the "sanctions regime against Iraq is unequivocally illegal under existing human rights law" and "could raise questions under the Genocide Convention". His subtext is that if the new court is to have authority, it cannot merely dispense the justice of the powerful. A growing body of legal opinion agrees that the court has a duty, as Eric Herring wrote, to investigate "not only the regime, but also the UN bombing and sanctions which have violated the human rights of Iraqi civilians on a vast scale by denying them many of the means necessary for survival. It should also investigate those who assisted [Saddam Hussein's] programmes of now prohibited weapons, including western governments and companies." 在他於一月十五日投寄給《新政治家》的一封信中﹐彼得‧海恩形容 我提到他和其他西方政客們有被傳喚到國際法庭的可能性為「毫無根 據的」。一點都不是毫無根據。一份由在國際法有傑出地位的馬克‧ 包蘇伊特教授為聯合國祕書長所撰寫的報告中有言，「在現行的人權 法律下，對伊拉克所採取的制裁毫無疑問地是違法的」並且「有可能 在反種族殲滅協約的規範下被質疑」。他的言下之意是，如果新的法 庭要發揮權威，就不能只光伸張強權的正義。一股正在不斷擴大的法 律輿論一致同意，如艾略克‧赫靈所說的，這法庭有責任去調查「不 光只是那個政權，也要包括聯合國藉著剝奪種種賴以求生的資源，來 侵犯伊拉克人民的人權所進行的轟炸和制裁行為。它也該調查包括西 方政府和公司那些協助（薩丹‧海珊的）現為非法武器計劃的人。」 Last year, Peter Hain blocked a parliamentary request to publish the full list of culpable British companies Why? A prosecutor might ask why, then ask who has killed the most number of innocent people in Iraq: Saddam Hussein, or British and American murderous policy-makers? The answer may well put the murderous tyrant in second place. 去年彼得‧海恩堵住了國會要求公佈所有要負責任的公司完整名單的 請求。為什麼？檢察官也許要問為什麼，然後要問是誰在伊拉克殺害 了最多無辜的人：薩丹‧海珊，還是英國及美國那些草菅人命的政策 擬訂者？答案也許會把那個殘忍的暴君放在第二位。 ( The Author New Statesman Ltd. 2000. All rights reserved. Please contact the publisher. The New Statesman is registered as a newspaper in the UK and the USA. ) ======================【主題文章延伸網頁】====================== 皮爾哲網站 http://www.johnpilger.com 什麼是耗乏鈾？ http://140.122.109.65/netclass/NetClass2/11_20/s010.htm 明日報「《星期泰晤士報》：「波灣戰爭症候群」元兇是耗乏鈾穿甲彈」 http://www.ttimes.com.tw/2000/09/06/1/global_news/200009030219.html 波灣戰爭資源中心 http://www.ngwrc.org/ 波灣戰爭耗乏鈾彈使用地圖 http://www.ngwrc.org/Dulink/DU_Map.htm 外交部：伊拉克共和國簡介 http://www.mofa.gov.tw/data/country/IRAQ.htm 「為什麼我為了反對伊拉克禁運而從聯合國辭職」（Denis Halliday） http://leb.net/IAC/harvard.html 劍橋大學「反伊拉克禁運陣線」 http://www.cam.ac.uk/societies/casi/ 伊拉克行動聯盟 http://www.iraqaction.org/ 美國禁運一覽表 http://usaengage.org/news/fedwatch.html 新政治家「伊拉克：一手遮天」（二○○一年，一月二十二日） http://www.consider.net/library.php3?Action=Record&searchStart=1&searchRange=10&searchWriter=&searchContent=Iraq%3A+the+great+cover-up+&searchSection=&searchDayFrom=&searchMonthFrom=&searchYearFrom=&searchDayTo=&searchMonthTo=&searchYearTo=&URN=200101220006 ================================================================ ■ 負責人：陳豐偉 (roach@esouth.org) 「南方電子報」主編：張釗維 (changcw@esouth.org) 執編：宋明珠 (grief@esouth.org) ■「南方」編輯部 TEL: (07)3878717 FAX: (07)3878706 Email: south@esouth.org 通訊信箱：鳥松長庚醫院郵局 27-70 號信箱 陳豐偉 收 ■ 編輯委員：高永謀、張子英、張育章、張釗維、莊雅嵐、徐江屏、陳順孝、陳豐偉 ■ 訂閱∕退訂請到：易達網 http://www.edirect168.com/enewsv2 或到奇摩站 http://letter.kimo.com.tw/picked/south 訂閱 palm 版南方電子報，請到 http://www.esouth.org/avantgo.htm ■ 南方討論區： http://tw.egroups.com/group/esouth-community ■「南方」需要您的贊助，請劃撥 41830863 陳豐偉帳號 ■ 系統支援：中山大學網路組∕易達網 (http://www.edirect168.com) ================================================================ |