策劃、編譯■李威撰

比利時打破世界紀錄，成為近代史上無政府狀態歷時最久的國家，

但由於各地自治政府持續運作，因此沒有讓國家陷入混亂及空轉。

從中央與地方的關係來看，這場政治危機是否傳達出另種超脫舊式主權政治的新契機？

從國際整合的趨勢切入，超國家組織若真取代國家，陳年的族群問題是否能因此解決？

比利時這一歐洲國家，因族群緊張關係而被撕裂、其國家債務幾乎等同於一年的總生產毛額，而目前深陷其中的政治危機，已前超越伊拉克，成為現代國家中，籌組新政府耗時最久的國家。然而，公車仍準時抵達、一個星期還是收兩次垃圾，藥品、巧克力、啤酒等產品仍繼續出口。

This is a European country riven by ethnic tensions. Its public debt is almost as big as its total annual output and it's in the middle of a political crisis so deep that this week it passes Iraq as the modern-day state whose politicians have taken the longest to form a government. Yet the buses run more or less on time, the garbage is collected twice a week, exports of pharmaceuticals, chocolate and beer are uninterrupted.

在這個動盪的世界中，比利時作為最老牌的民主國家之一，雖然缺乏有效的政治領導，但它仍然繼續緩步前行，即使該國公民對此並不瞭解。在看守政府的照管下，比利時去年仍擔任歐盟6個月的輪值主席國。看守政府也已排定2011年的預算，並為了確保能在利比亞設立禁飛區，也派遣戰鬥機完成比國份內之務。另外，在2011年的頭3個月，債券的發行量也幾乎達到今年目標的一半。

In a world of upheaval, the fact that one of its oldest democracies has kept ticking over without validated political leadership is remarkable, even if its citizens don't see it. Belgium managed the whole of its six-month presidency of the European Union last year with a caretaker government. That same government has laid out a 2011 budget and dispatched fighter jets to play their part in guaranteeing the no-fly zone over Libya. In the first three months of 2011 it's reached almost half its target for this year's bond issues.

別的國家能否在沒有政府的情況下運作得更好？世界又能夠從比利時的經驗學到些甚麼？

Would some countries work better without a government? Could the world learn something from Belgium's experience?

比利時之所以能夠保持穩定，秘訣之一就在於習慣的力量。就如同鄰國荷蘭，人口約1,100萬的比利時，同樣也習慣於在延長的時限內由看守政府來照管國家。

One of the secrets to Belgium's stability is force of habit. Like the Netherlands next door, the country of nearly 11 million is used to having caretaker governments for extended periods.

比利時採行比例代表制，政黨在國會的席次是依照所獲得的票數多寡而定，而不是將所有權力交託給最大贏家。因此比利時經常要組成聯合政府，而聯合政府需要花費時間來組成。

Proportional representation （1） -- which gives parties parliamentary seats based on their share of the vote rather than handing all power to the overall winner -- makes it usual for governments to rule in coalitions, and coalitions take time to form.

在奉行贏者全拿的國家中，由單一政黨執政是常態，籌組聯合政府則是一個警訊。以英國為例，在5月大選前，3個政黨的持久角力引起金融市場的恐慌，有人開始有人拋售政府債券。最後，選舉過後5天，保守黨與自由民主黨組成聯合政府，英國股票下跌，政府公債的表現也不如德國。

In countries with a winner-takes-all system （2）, single-party rule is the norm and the prospect of a coalition can be more alarming. Britain is a good example: last year, the threat of protracted wrangling between the three main parties rattled financial markets before May's election, causing a sell-off of government bonds. In the end, the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats forged a coalition just five days after the vote, British shares had fallen and gilts had underperformed their German counterparts.

官僚機制的運作對沒有民選政府的國家來說，可說是一項必要條件。比利時民眾抱怨官僚體制的規模太大及支出太多，比利時工商業總會就表示，比利時的公務員比鄰國還多，平均每1千個公民就有超過7名以上的公務員，而他們每年必須為此多支付5、60億歐元。但是，他們能保持事務繼續運行，而這在目前看來是值得花費的。

One requirement for any country considering a spell without an elected government is a functioning bureaucracy （3）. Belgians like to carp about the size and cost of theirs -- the business federation says it has 7 more civil servants per 1,000 citizens than its nearest neighbors, at an extra cost of 5 to 6 billion euros a year -- but it keeps things working, which may be a cost worth paying for now.

不像美國這些國家，歐洲高層公務員一般說來都不是選舉出身，也不是由執政黨來安插指派，因此在過渡時期能運作得更加順暢。

Unlike in some countries, such as the United States, senior civil servants in Europe are generally not elected or appointed by ruling parties, which makes any period of transition smoother.

事實上，比利時的中央政府並未真正握有大權，其職能侷限在公共財政、軍事、司法及外國事務等，以及像是社會安全及核能等特定事項。因此與其它中央政府握有較大權力的國家相比，比利時的領導職較不誘人。

In fact, central government in Belgium doesn't actually have all that much power at all. It's restricted to managing public finances, the army, judicial system, foreign affairs and certain other issues such as social security and nuclear power. That makes leadership a less coveted prize than in more centralized countries.

比利時的政治僵局若持續下去，看守政府將被賦予更多的權力。比利時的憲法沒有提及看守政府，理論上，在新政府宣誓就職前，代理政府只會照應1、2個月，但僵局的延長意味著不成文的規定會發生改變。

And the longer Belgium's caretaker government has been in charge, the more powers it is assuming, or being given. The country's constitution has nothing to say on caretaker governments. In theory, a stand-in government would just cover a month or two before a new administration is sworn in, but the prolonged deadlock means the unwritten rules are changing.

比利時企業聯合會的總裁魯迪．托馬斯說：「隨時間過去，政府的決策範圍會擴大，在6個月以前，你還無法想像政府要提名一位新的國家銀行董事，但現在他們已經這麼做了。」

"As time goes by, the scope of decisions taken by the government is widening. You could not have imagined six months ago that the government would nominate a new director of the national bank. Now they have done so," said Rudi Thomaes, chief executive of the Federation of Enterprises in Belgium.

比利時的國王也發揮作用，艾伯特二世作為國家元首，忙於指定調停人，但他也要求看守政府修訂2011年的預算案，但這是相當罕見的介入。

Having a monarch has also helped. As head of state, King Albert II has been busy appointing mediators, but he has also demanded the caretaker government revise the 2011 budget, a highly unusual intervention.

即使頂端發生權力真空，比利時仍擁有許多政府單位可維持國家運轉。除了省及地方政府外，比利時有5個聯邦地方治理單位。根特大學的政治學教授卡爾．狄佛斯說：「你不能說比利時動彈不得……我們有許多政府在經營這個國家。」比利時德語區的行政主席倫伯茲表示，聯邦制度對目前危機有幫助。

And despite the vacuum （4） at the top, Belgium has plenty of government to keep it ticking over. The country has five federated regional governing bodies, not counting provincial and local authorities. "You cannot say that Belgium is stuck," says Ghent University's Devos. "We have many other governments running the country." Lambertz, premier of Belgium's German speakers, says the federal system （5） has helped in the present crisis.

比利時自1970年展開一連串改革，地方及語言社群的權力有所增長，聯邦的權力則相對萎縮。這就是目前僵局的核心：講荷語的弗拉芒民眾佔比利時人口60％，他們投票所支持的政黨，其政見是要求地方獲有更大的控制權，並給予瓦隆尼亞區（法語區）較少津貼，後者的失業率是弗拉芒區的2倍。

In a series of reforms since 1970, the powers of the regions and language communities have grown and those of the federal state shrunk. That's at the heart of the current impasse: Dutch-speaking Flemish people, who make up about 60 percent of the Belgian population, have voted for parties seeking yet more control for the regions and fewer subsidies for French-speaking Wallonia, where the unemployment rate is double that of Flanders.

但在某種程度上這是有益的，文化及教育保留給各語言社區。各區在許多政策上都握有主導權，如經濟、就業、農業、住宅、能源、運輸及外貿等。

Yet in some ways it's a boon: already, culture and education are the exclusive preserves of the language communities. The regions control a wide range of policy areas including the economy, employment, agriculture, housing, energy, transport and foreign trade.

但在絕大多數地方，特別是在發展中世界，強勢的政治領袖是有必要的，因為他們要去填補缺乏官僚制度所遺留下來的缺口。以去年的伊拉克為例，遭戰火蹂躪的伊拉克因為有9個月的時間無人看管，導致重建的投資金額無法到位，許多民眾也面臨缺水缺電等基本問題。

But in most places, and especially in the developing world, strong political leaders are needed to fill the hole created by a lack of bureaucracy. In Iraq last year, for example, nine months of political limbo delayed investments to rebuild the war-torn country and left people short of basic services such as water and power.

即使比利時必須將重要的決定暫時擱置，分析家及經濟學家仍表示，比利時有必要針對退休金及勞動市場進行改革，並減少能源消耗及決定如何處理尋求庇護者的問題。但這些長期性的決策並非是看守政府能處理的。狄佛斯說：「這些事項若拖欠太久而沒有解決，成本就會開始增加。我們有消防隊可撲火，但我們沒辦法去翻新建築物。」

And even Belgium has had to put important decisions on hold. Analysts and economists say it needs to reform its pensions system and its labor market, reduce energy consumption and determine what to do with asylum seekers. These are decisions for the long term that a caretaker government simply cannot take. "The longer these items are unresolved, the more costly they become. We have a fire brigade to put out fires, but we cannot renovate the building," said Devos.

（路透Reuters）

關鍵字詞
Key Words

1. proportional representation

(n.) 比例代表制

2. winner-takes-all system

(n.) 贏者通吃制，即單一選區相對多數決制

3. bureaucracy

(n.) 官僚體制

4. vacuum

(n.) 真空狀態

5. federal system

(n.) 聯邦制

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